Why Lawmakers Should Reject the Deficit-Financed $680 Billion Tax Cut Deal

December 17, 2015 01:48 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Read Report as a PDF.

Late Tuesday, congressional leaders announced the details of a $680 billion tax cut deal that will be up for a vote in the House and Senate over the next couple days. While there are some worthwhile provisions in the package, they come at too high a price to justify supporting the overall package.

The bulk of the tax cut package includes extending or making permanent many of the temporary tax provisions known as the tax extenders. The legislation also includes making expansions to the Child Tax Credit (CTC) and Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) permanent, making the American Opportunity Tax Credit (AOTC) permanent, and delaying (or, in one case, eliminating for one year) three Obamacare-related taxes.

Here are the three reasons why lawmakers should reject this tax deal:

1. The deal will revive or make permanent ineffective tax breaks for business.

2. The deal will increase the deficit by $680 billion over the next ten years.

3. The tradeoff between the good and the bad provisions is not equitable and, due to deficit-financing, could ultimately threaten the well-being of low- and middle-income Americans by forcing draconian cuts to critical programs.

1. The deal will revive or make permanent ineffective tax breaks for business.

Most of the extenders are ineffective and do not serve the public interest. Of the more than 130 provisions, just six of the business provisions constitute nearly half of the total cost of the package. The cost of just two corporate provisions, the research credit and active financing exception (AFE), is $191 billion or 28 percent of the cost of the overall package.

As CTJ has noted time and again, the research credit should be substantially reformed or allowed to stay expired, not made permanent as is proposed in the tax deal. While the idea of encouraging research sounds good, in reality the research credit is a particularly poor way of pursuing this goal because it often subsidizes “research” of no public value or research that would have been done anyway.

Another particularly egregious provision is the extension of “bonus depreciation” for three years, allegedly to be followed by a phase-out of this loophole over three years. Bonus depreciation was originally adopted as a temporary stimulus measure early in the George W. Bush administration. It has been reenacted in almost every year since, despite the fact that the non-partisan Congressional Research Service called it “a relatively ineffective tool for stimulating the economy.” With a 10-year cost of $246 billion, bonus depreciation is by far the most costly provision in the tax extenders. It has also been a key reason why many large, profitable corporations have paid little or nothing in income taxes for the past decade and a half. By extending this provision only for a few years, the break masks the long-term cost of its likely permanent extension. The fact that it will allegedly be phased out after three years may seem like a positive sign, but it should not be taken too seriously. After all, this means that bonus-depreciation advocates have another three years to make sure that this phase-out never happens.

Two of the other worst provisions of the tax deal are those that will make permanent the AFE and extend for five years the Controlled Foreign Corporation (CFC) Look-Thru Rule, at a combined cost of $86 billion over the next 10 years. Rather than working to counter the historic levels of offshore corporate tax avoidance, the extenders bill will enshrine into law two loopholes that have become central to enabling this bad behavior. If lawmakers are really concerned about combating offshore tax avoidance, a good place to start would be to allow these two provisions to remain expired.

While not as large, most of the other 50 tax extender provisions that will be extended or made permanent in the tax deal are also of dubious efficacy, as outlined in a recent CTJ report “Evaluating the Tax Extenders.”

2. The deal will increase the deficit by $680 billion over the next ten years.

There is no way to get around the cold hard fact that the tax deal will add $680 billion to the nation’s budget deficit over the next 10 years. In fact, this package will erase all of the revenue “raised” by the expiration of the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy as part of the Fiscal Cliff Package at the start of 2013.

The need for more revenue is absolutely critical. Even without making essential new public investments, the U.S. federal government already faces a $7 trillion budget hole over the next 10 years. It is ridiculous that Congress is now proposing to substantially expand this hole.

While some argue that we should consider the current slate of temporary tax provisions to be part of the budget baseline already, even anti-tax conservative lawmakers have admitted time and again that making the federal budget sustainable requires paying for these provisions.

For example, both the current Republican Speaker of the House Paul Ryan and the former Republican Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee Dave Camp have advocated for a revenue baseline that would fully pay for the cost of the tax extenders and other temporary tax provisions. In other words, the principle of paying for these temporary tax provisions has neither been lost nor should it be given up. 

3. The tradeoff between enacting good and bad provisions is neither equitable nor worth the cost.

One argument for supporting the overall tax deal is that the benefit of securing a permanent place in the tax code for the expansions in the EITC and CTC is worth the cost of passing the numerous and undesirable provisions in the package. While it might be worth some kind of tradeoff to secure the EITC and CTC expansions, the price being asked for in this deal is unacceptably high.

For every dollar spent in the deal on expanding the working families’ tax credits, five more dollars are being spent on other tax cuts. The cost of the top six business provisions alone is more than 2.5 times the size of what is being spent on the EITC and CTC expansions in the package. Both the EITC and CTC are highly effective tax credits that should be made permanent on their own and should not require the passage of foolish and unfair tax breaks many times their size.

It is also important to note that if this package is enacted, the resulting higher budget deficits will, in the long run, threaten low-income programs including the welcome expansions of the EITC and CTC. In other words, the extenders package’s deficit spending is not free, and it could come back to bite low-income programs in the future.


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Press Statement: Compromise? Good Things in the Extenders Package Come at Far Too High a Price

December 16, 2015 10:56 AM | | Bookmark and Share

For Immediate Release: Wednesday, December 16, 2015
Contact: Jenice R. Robinson, 202.299.1066, Jenice@ctj.org 
Kelly Davis, 262-472-0578, kelly@ctj.org

Following is a statement by Bob McIntyre, director of Citizens for Tax Justice, regarding the announcement of $680 billion tax cut package (split between the extenders and omnibus bills) to be considered by Congress in the next few days.

“At a time when we already face a $7 trillion budget hole over the next decade, increasing that hole by $680 billion to pay for a new package of tax breaks is an absolute disgrace. This tax-cut package would lose more revenue than was “raised” by the fiscal cliff package in 2013.

“It is outrageous that lawmakers have fought all year over how to pay for essential public investments like our highway program, yet they have no problem putting hundreds of billions in mostly wasteful corporate tax breaks onto our nation’s credit card.

“In particular, two of the biggest components of this package, making permanent the “active finance exception” for multinational financial corporations and the much-abused research credit, are nothing but ineffective giveaways to the nation’s wealthiest corporations.

“To be sure, the package does include some needed help for working families, by extending President Obama’s improvements to the EITC and the Child Credit. But these good things come at far too high a price.

“As a whole, this tax package is mostly a lobbyist-wrapped Christmas present for our nation’s biggest corporations.”

 


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2016 Presidential Candidates’ Plans and Records on Taxes

December 15, 2015 03:09 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Democrats

Republicans

Hillary Clinton

Donald Trump

 

 

 

 

  Dropped Out  

Lincoln Chafee

Ted Cruz

John Kasich

Jim Webb

Marco Rubio

Chris Christie

Martin O’Malley

Ben Carson

Jeb Bush

Bernie Sanders

Rick Santorum

George Pataki

 

Rand Paul

Bobby Jindal

 

Mike Huckabee

Lindsey Graham

 

Rick Perry

Scott Walker

 

Carly Fiorina

Jim Gilmore

As the 2016 presidential race heats up, Citizens for Tax Justice will dig deep into  candidates’ records and analyze their current policy positions on tax issues. We’ve closely followed the work of many current and potential candidates in recent years, in many cases providing detailed distributional analyses of their tax plans and proposals.

Below is a repository of our reports, blog posts and tax plan analyses. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 

Democrats

Hillary Clinton

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“Clinton has frequently shown a willingness to take a stand for tax fairness but has never fleshed out a clear agenda on these issues and has occasionally embraced regressive or gimmicky tax policies.”

Hillary Clinton’s New Tax Proposals: Steps Toward Making the Wealthy Pay Their Fair Share – January 14, 2016

Press Statement: Clinton Tax Reform Proposals Are a Step Toward Tax Fairness – January 12, 2016

Hillary Clinton’s Tax Proposal is Right on Inversions, Wrong on New Tax Cuts – December 11, 2015

Hillary Clinton Would Limit Tax Breaks for the Well-Off to Make College More Affordable – August 19, 2015

What We Know About Hillary Clinton’s Positions on Tax Issues – April 11, 2015

Clinton Family Finances Highlight Issues with Taxation of the Wealthy – June 26, 2014

The Clinton-McCain Gas Tax Proposal: Get Half a Tank Free This Summer – May 2, 2008

Who’s Rich? – January 16, 2008

What the Presidential Candidates Are Saying about Taxes: Update – November 30, 2007

Democratic Presidential Candidates Address Fiscal Issues in Debates – September 28, 2007

Battle Only Beginning Over the “Carried Interest” Tax Loophole for Billionaire Fund Managers – October 12, 2007

The Presidential Candidates on Taxes – August 17, 2007

Presidential Candidates Weigh in on Wealthy’s Taxes – June 29, 2007

A Congressional Tax Report Card – October 2006

Hillary Clinton takes on the Bush tax cuts – July 11, 2005


Bernie Sanders

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“Senator and now presidential candidate Bernie Sanders has one of the strongest records of any elected official when it comes to standing up for tax fairness. In many cases, Sen. Sanders has been the lone voice in the Senate fighting for legislation that would ensure that corporations and the wealthy pay their fair share.”

Bernie Sanders’ Health Care Tax Plan Would Raise $13 Trillion, Yet Increase After-Tax Incomes for All Income Groups except the Very Highest – February 8, 2016

The Tax (and Wage) Implications of Bernie Sanders’ “Medicare for All” Health Plan – February 8, 2016

News Release: Sen. Bernie Sanders’ Tax Proposal Would Increase Federal Revenue and Increase after Tax Wages for All but the Top 5 Percent – February 8, 2016

Bernie Sanders is a Champion for Tax Fairness – May 1, 2015

State-by-State Estate Tax Figures Show Why Congress Should Enact Senator Sanders’ Responsible Estate Tax Act – September 22, 2014

The Estate Tax Is Not Doing Enough to Mitigate Inequality: State-by-State Figures – September 22, 2014

Best and Worst Ideas for “Blank Slate” Tax Reform – July 30, 2013

Bernie Sanders Is Right and the Tax Foundation Is Wrong: The U.S. Has Very Low Corporate Income Taxes– April 23, 2013 

CTJ’s Bob McIntyre Applauds New Bill to End Deferral of Taxes on Offshore Corporate Profits – February 7, 2013

Citizens for Tax Justice Joins Over 70 Organizations in Support of the Responsible Estate Tax Act – July 30, 2010

House Democrats’ Stimulus Bill Would Rescind the “Wells Fargo Ruling” – January 28, 2009

Congress Should Approve Bills Introduced in House and Senate to Shut Down Treasury’s $140 Billion Give-Away to Banks – November 24, 2008


Martin O’Malley

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“At a time when many governors stubbornly rejected new revenues despite their states’ weak fiscal positions, former Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley’s was one of only a few governors who championed tax increases to preserve his state’s public investments even during the Great Recession.”

Martin O’Malley’s Record on Taxes is Progressive – May 30, 2015

Study: Recent EITC Expansion in MD will Make Taxes More Fair, Reduce Inequality – May 15, 2014

Chart: New Gas Tax Plan in Maryland House of Delegates – March 19, 2013 

Chart: Maryland Governor O’Malley’s New Gas Tax Plan – March 6, 2013

New From ITEP: Maryland Tax Bill Would Improve Tax Fairness and Revenue – May 16, 2012

Maryland’s Governor O’Malley is Right: Digital Downloads Don’t Need a Special Tax Break – January 27, 2012

Maryland Commission Omits Indispensible Piece of Gas Tax Reform: Credits for Low Income Families – October 27, 2011

Five Reasons to Reinstate Maryland’s “Millionaires’ Tax” – March 9, 2011

Gubernatorial Candidates with Progressive Positions on Taxes Who Won – November 5, 2010

Out of Control Tax Credits Demonstrate Need for Greater Oversight – December 11, 2009

Another Example of the Power of Service Sector Lobbyists – April 11, 2008

New York and Maryland Consider Taxes on Wealthiest Residents – March 21, 2008

Maryland Tax Changes: Glass Half Full – November 20, 2007

Senate Plan Falls Hardest on Low-Income Marylanders – November 7, 2007

Tax Reform Debate Underway in Maryland – November 5, 2007

More Details Emerge on Maryland Governor’s Tax Plan – October 5, 2007

Maryland Governor Proposes to Close Fiscal Gap with Regressive Taxes — and A Few Progressive Ones, Too – September 21, 2007

Tax Reform? No. Save an Antiquated Pastime that Can’t Support Itself? Yes. – August 24, 2007

Maryland: Save the Poor Horse Racetracks? – August 22, 2007

 

Lincoln Chaffee

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“As a presidential candidate running for the Democratic nomination in 2016, Lincoln Chafee has yet to lay out a vision on tax issues, so the only indications so far of what his positions may be lie within his record as a former U.S. Senator and Governor in Rhode Island. And the evidence suggests that Chafee largely supported fiscally responsible tax policies, even when such positions were unpopular among his fellow lawmakers.”

Lincoln Chafee’s Record of Fiscal Responsibility – June 19, 2015

Few Winners and Many Losers in Rhode Island Tax Reform – June 9, 2014

Are Special Tax Breaks Worthwhile? Rhode Island Intends to Find Out – July 17, 2013

Convention Speaker Profiles: Govenors Perdue, Quinn, Chafee, Patrick & O’Malley – September 4, 2012

Governors Class of 2012: Honors Students and Class Clowns – July 12, 2012

Raising Revenue from High-Income Households in Rhode Island – March 7, 2012

A More Modern Day Sales Tax – March 7, 2012

How Rhode Island Didn’t Do the Wise Thing When It Had the Chance – June 30, 2011

Sales Tax Reform Debated in Rhode Island – April 15, 2011

A 21st Century Sales Tax: Why Governor Chafee’s plan to modernize the sales tax is necessary – March 11, 2011

Rhode Island Governor Would Improve Tax System, But Could Do Better – March 11, 2011

Gubernatorial Candidates with Progressive Positions on Taxes Who Won – November 5, 2010

A Congressional Tax Report Card – October 2006

Trifecta Falls Short – August 7, 2006

 

Jim Webb

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“When it comes to tax reform, former Virginia senator and Democratic presidential candidate Jim Webb has publicly discussed conflicting views.  Webb has proposed taxing investment income at the same higher tax rate that applies to wages. He has also proposed ending offshore profit-shifting by multinational corporations by closing the “deferral” loophole. On the other hand, Webb suggests that the nation should consider “shifting our tax policies away from income and more toward consumption.” Such policies would be highly regressive.”

Jim Webb’s Confusing Stance(s) on Taxes – July 8, 2015

Senate Republicans & Five Democrats Block Full Tax Cut Extension for 98% of Taxpayers & UI Benefits – December 6, 2010

Senate Candidates Talk Taxes – October 18, 2006

 


 

Republicans

 

Jeb Bush

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“Jeb Bush’s tax reform rhetoric is far more salient than his actual plan. He derides special interest giveaways and crony capitalism but then outlines a plan riddled with special interest giveaways and crony capitalism ideals.”

Jeb Bush’s Tax Plan Gives Top 1% Average Tax Cut of Nearly $180,000 – October 28, 2015

More Than Half of Jeb Bush’s Tax Cuts Would Go To the Top 1% – September 11, 2015

Bush and Trump’s “Populist” Tax Rhetoric Is All Talk – September 10, 2015

Jeb Bush’s Tax Plan Is a Corporate Giveaway Disguised as Tax Reform – September 9, 2015

Jeb Bush Loves Tax Cuts, Especially for the Rich – July 9, 2015

The Tax Cheaters Lobby – November 13, 2002

 

Donald Trump

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“Yet another presidential candidate is making a mockery of populism by trumpeting a massive tax break for the rich as a plan that will benefit average Americans. The top 1 percent of Americans will receive an average tax break of $227,000 per year while the bottom 20 percent will receive an average tax cut of only $250. Trump claims the plan will be revenue neutral, but he has made bombastic exaggerations before and this time is no different. In fact, there is no possibility that this plan would not be a gigantic tax cut for the rich and a gigantic revenue loser for the government.”

Donald Trump’s Tax Plan Would Cost $12 Trillion – March 17, 2016

The Net Effect: Paying for GOP Tax Plans Would Wipe Out Income Gains for Most Americans – March 9, 2016

Trump’s Criticism of Jeff Bezos as a Tax Dodger is Half-Right – December 9, 2015

Donald Trump’s $12 Trillion Tax Cut – November 4, 2015

Brownback on Steroids? Donald Trump’s Plan to Cut Taxes on “Pass-Through” Businesses–And Hedge Fund Millionaires – September 29, 2015

CTJ Statement: Trump Tax Plan Would Cost Nearly $11 Trillion Over 10 Years – September 28, 2015

Bush and Trump’s “Populist” Tax Rhetoric Is All Talk – September 10, 2015

What Trump Gets All Wrong About Immigration and Taxes – August 25, 2015

Donald Trump’s Regressive and Retrograde Tax Plan – June 22, 2015

 

Ben Carson

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“Dr. Ben Carson enters the Republican presidential field without any significant legislative experience so he doesn’t have a record on tax policy. But in a 2013 op-ed, the well-respected neurosurgeon explained his avid support for a flat tax system. The case Carson made for the flat tax is based on a number of falsehoods about our current tax system and how a flat tax would work in practice.” 

Dr. Ben Carson enters the Republican presidential field without any significant legislative experience so he doesn’t have a record on tax policy. But in a 2013 op-ed, the well-respected neurosurgeon explained his avid support for a flat tax system. The case Carson made for the flat tax is based on a number of falsehoods about our current tax system and how a flat tax would work in practice. “

Ben Carson’s Flat Tax Plan Would Cost $9.6 Trillion, While Increasing Taxes on Low-Income Families – January 6, 2016

Ben Carson’s 10 Percent Flat Tax is Utterly Implausible – September 1, 2015

Presidential Candidate Dr. Ben Carson Once Avidly Argued for a Flat Tax — And Got the Facts Wrong – May 5, 2015

 

Carly Fiorina 

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“Based on what we know from her time as a corporate CEO and a candidate for the U.S. Senate, Fiorina’s call for the public to stand up to the political class may be all talk. Instead, she may ally with corporate influencers.”

Carly Fiorina Has Toed the Party Line on Taxes – May 11, 2015

 

Marco Rubio

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“Sen. Rubio’s newest tax deform plan is a much larger version of his gimmicky tax proposals of years past. In each case, he attempts to get credit for touting tax cuts, while at the same time hiding the real cost of his proposals. The crucial difference this time around is the sheer scale of the damage his tax reform plan would do to tax fairness, public programs and the U.S. economy if it were ever enacted.”

The Net Effect: Paying for GOP Tax Plans Would Wipe Out Income Gains for Most Americans – March 9, 2016

Marco Rubio’s Tax Plan Gives Top 1% An Average Tax Cut of More than $220,000 a Year – November 3, 2015

Marco Rubio: The Great Tax Deformer – April 14, 2015

Anti-Tax Grandstanding of Olympic Proportions – August 3, 2012

The Olympic Tax Exemption: It Gets Worse – August 9, 2012

California Lawmakers Stumble in Quest for Tax-Complexity Gold – August 20, 2012

Florida: Rubio on User Fees – December 4, 2007


Ted Cruz

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“Texas Senator, and now presidential candidate, Ted Cruz is a supporter of radical tax plans that would dramatically increase taxes on poor and middle class Americans in order to pay for huge tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans.”

 

Ted Cruz’s Tax Plan Would Cost $13.9 Trillion, While Increasing Taxes on Most Americans – March 16, 2016 

The Net Effect: Paying for GOP Tax Plans Would Wipe Out Income Gains for Most Americans – March 9, 2016

Ted Cruz’s Tax Plan Would Cost $16.2 Trillion over 10 Years–Or Maybe Altogether Eliminate Tax Collection – November 12, 2015

How Presidential Candidate Ted Cruz Would Radically Increase Taxes on Everyone But the Rich – March 23, 2015

Republican National Committee Wants to Abolish the IRS – September 5, 2014

 

 

Rand Paul

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“No member of Congress has been more active in the cause of protecting tax cheaters and tax avoidance by our nation’s wealthiest individuals and corporations than Sen.(now presidential candidate) Rand Paul.”

Detractor Dangles Shiny Objects to Obscure Facts about Rand Paul’s Deficit-Inflating Flat Tax Proposal – June 19, 2015

Rand Paul’s Tax Plan Would Blow a $15 Trillion Hole in the Federal Budget – June 18, 2015

Rand Paul’s Record Shows He’s a Champion for Tax Cheats and the Wealthy – April 7, 2015

Press Statement: Boxer-Paul Repatriation Proposal Would Reward Corporate Tax Scofflaws – January 29, 2015

Republican National Committee Wants to Abolish the IRS – September 5, 2014

Reid-Paul “Transportation Funding Plan” is No Plan at All – June 11, 2014

Good and Bad Proposals to Address the Highway Trust Fund Shortfall – June 19, 2014

Republican Platform Now Endorses Gutting Laws that Stop Offshore Tax Evasion – January 23, 2014

The Wrongheaded Quest to Shrink the IRS – July 17, 2013

Yes, What Apple’s Doing in Ireland May Well Be Legal — and That’s the Problem – May 22, 2013

Senator Rand Paul’s Fight for Offshore Tax Havens – May 13, 2013

Senator Rand Paul: Champion of Secret Swiss Bank Accounts – May 2, 2012

 

Mike Huckabee

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“Despite having a relatively moderate record on tax policy as the governor of Arkansas, Mike Huckabee has wholeheartedly embraced a radically regressive tax plan as a central plank of his presidential candidate platform.”

Would the Real Mike Huckabee Please Stand Up? – May 7, 2015

The Republican Presidential Primary: And In This Ring… – December 21, 2007

GOP Debate: Who’s Paying Too Much in Taxes? – December 13, 2007

Mike Huckabee’s Tax Record – December 5, 2007

What the Presidential Candidates Are Saying about Taxes: Update – November 30, 2007

GOP Candidates on Gas Tax Hike: No Way – August 11, 2007

The Presidential Candidates on Taxes – August 17, 2007

Arkansas: Good Words from Governor Huckabee – July 8, 2005

 

Bobby Jindal

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“While Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal has yet to lay out a specific tax plan in the run up to his presidential campaign announcement, he has fought to reduce taxes for the wealthy and corporations at the expense of everyone else. He outlined his vision in his 2013 plan that sought to eliminate the state’s income tax and replace it with revenue from an expanded sales tax, a reform that would dramatically cut taxes for the wealthy while increasing them for at the expense of low- and middle-income people.”

Bobby Jindal’s Louisiana is a Cautionary Tale for the Nation – June 24, 2015

Louisiana Legislators Try to Avoid the Wrath of Grover Norquist – May 28, 2015

Louisiana Film Tax Credit Costs More Than It Brings In – May 20, 2013

Louisiana Tax Overhaul Collapse as Bellwether? We Can Only Hope. – April 17, 2013

Governor Jindal Admits Defeat, Abandons His Tax Plan – April 9, 2013

This Just In: Louisianans Still Don’t Trust Governor Jindal’s Tax Plan – April 4, 2013

Governor Jindal’s Tax Plan Would Increase Taxes on Poorest 60 Percent of Louisianans – April 1, 2013

Eliminating Louisiana’s Income Taxes Will Hurt the State’s Economy – March 18, 2013

Jindal Leaves Inconvenient Details Out of His Tax Plan – March 15, 2013

“Middle Class Tax Cut” Could Send Wisconsin Down Slippery Slope – February 8, 2013

Beware The Tax Swap – January 24, 2013

Governor Jindal’s Bad Idea for Louisiana Attracts Scrutiny – January 15, 2013

Proposal to Eliminate Income Taxes Amounts to a Tax Increase on Bottom 80 Percent of Louisianans – January 11, 2013

Fewer than Three Percent of Americans Will Pay Health Care “Penalty Tax” — and Anti-Tax Politicians Go Crazy Anyway – September 21, 2012

How Louisiana Celebrates the Second Amendment: A Sales Tax Holiday for Guns – September 7, 2011

Louisiana: Repeal of Income Taxes So Radical Even Governor Jindal Cannot Support It – May 25, 2011

Eliminating State Income Tax: Good for Whom? – June 1, 2009

A Congressional Tax Report Card – October 2006

 

Chris Christie

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“During his five years in office, New Jersey Gov. and now presidential candidate Chris Christie has consistently blocked progressive tax increases and sought to pass regressive and fiscally irresponsible tax cuts. The starkest example of how Gov. Christie has sought to make New Jersey’s tax code more unfair is that he consistently vetoed a small tax rate increase on millionaires but (conveniently until this week) refused to reverse his cuts to the state’s earned income tax credit (EITC). On the federal level, Gov. Christie has similarly laid out a broad tax cut plan that would heavily favor the wealthiest taxpayers while simultaneously slashing federal revenue.”

Chris Christie’s Long History of Opposition to Progressive Tax Policy – June 30, 2015

A Tale of Two Tax Proposals – May 12, 2015 

12 States Could Raise Gas Taxes This Year – January 29, 2015

Tax Increase to Fund Transportation Should Be Combined with Credit to Help Low-Income Families – January 26, 2015

Two of Every Kind of Tax Giveaway – October 23, 2014

Highest-Income New Jerseyans Would Still Pay Lowest Share of Income to Taxes After Proposed Changes – June 25, 2014

A New Wave of Tax Cut Proposals in the States – January 28, 2014

$elling New Jersey $hort: Across-the-Board Income Tax Cut Would Harm the Garden State – January 9, 2014

Will New Jersey Re-elect the Fiscally Reckless Chris Christie? – October 17, 2013

Governor Christie Budget Plan Panned as Gimmick, His Tax Talk Called Puffery – March 6, 2013

Convention Speaker Profile: Governor Chris Christie (R-NJ) – August 28, 2012

Chris Christie, Drama Queen – July 5, 2012

Reality Shatters Chris Christie’s Rose-Colored Glasses – May 24, 2012

State Treasurer Confesses: Our Job is to Protect Millionaires – May 2, 2012

New Jersey Governor Chris Christie Promotes Same Old Tired Arguments for Cutting Taxes – February 23, 2012

Reality Check: Income Taxes Do Not Impede Economic Growth – February 15, 2012

Chris Christie Playing Shell Game With Tax Cuts – February 8, 2012

Failure to Address Gas Tax Costs New Jersey Over a Half a Billion Dollars a Year – December 15, 2011

Governor Christie’s Snooki Situation – October 5, 2011

New York and New Jersey Governors Favor Unpopular Toll Increases, But Oppose Popular Tax Increases – August 25, 2011

Chris Christie’s Veto Pen – Mightier (and Meaner) Than Any Sword – July 14, 2011

New Jersey Gov. Christie Vows to Veto Widely Popular Millionaires’ Tax – June 29, 2011

‘Greetings from Asbury Park, NJ’: Bruce Springsteen Letter Puts Gov. Christie in the ‘Lion’s Den’ – April 8, 2011

Prioritizing Corporations Over People in New Jersey – January 31, 2011

To States Trying to Lure Illinois Businesses: It’s Not Just the Tax Rates, Stupid – January 31, 2011

New Jersey Governor Passes Up $6 Billion in Funds for Subway Tunnel — to Save the State $2.7 Billion – October 8, 2010

New Jersey Governor and CTJ Find (Rare) Agreement on Homebuyer Tax Credit – August 6, 2010

Can New Jersey Cap Hypocrisy on Taxes? – June 25, 2010

Drama with State Film Tax Credits: Propaganda, Criminal Charges, and Sitcom Stars Make Headlines – June 18, 2010

New Jersey Lawmakers to Attempt to Override Governor’s Veto of Millionaire’s Tax – June 18, 2010

 

John Kasich

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“Nine-term congressman and current Ohio Gov. John Kasich has received  accolades for his perceived position as the “moderate” or “compassionate” candidate in the 2016 GOP presidential race. It’s true that he embraced a few policies benefiting low-income families, notably the expansion of Medicaid, but a handful of progressive policies do not a moderate make. The bulk of Kasich’s economic agenda as a governor and former congressman has been pursuing tax cuts for the wealthy and increasing taxes on low- and middle-income families. “

Although He Left out Key Details, It’s Clear Kasich’s Tax Plan Is a Deficit-Busting Giveaway to the Wealthy – October 15, 2015

John’s Kasich’s Uncompassionate Conservatism – August 5, 2015

Gov. Kasich Is a ‘Compassionate’ Tax-Cut-for-the-Rich Conservative – July 21, 2015

Fiscal Shell Game: Lawmakers Proposing Tax Shift Plans To Dupe the Public – February 19, 2015

Gov. Kasich’s Tax Proposal Promises to Make Ohio’s Tax System Less Fair – February 11, 2015

Ohio’s Affluent are Big Beneficiaries of the 2013-2014 Tax Changes – October 31, 2014

Putting a Face to the Numbers – October 23, 2014

Ohio Gov. John Kasich’s Income Tax Plan Fails Reality Test – October 7, 2014

Tax Policy and the Race for the Governor’s Mansion: Ohio Edition – September 12, 2014

Cumulative Impact of Ohio Tax Changes Revealed – August 27, 2014

Out-of-Step – August 26, 2014

The Great Ohio Tax Shift – August 18, 2014

Buckeye State Tax Policy in the News – July 9, 2014

Cuts and Breaks – July 2, 2014

Ohio Tax Cuts Would Disproportionately Benefit Top 1 Percent – May 29, 2014

Income-Tax Repeal: A Bad Deal for Ohio – April 28, 2014

Problems with Ohio EITC: It’s not refundable, it has a cap, and it’s too low – April 3, 2014

Big News in Ohio: Governor’s Unfair Tax Cut Plan Unveiled – March 21, 2014

Kasich Tax Plan: Advantage, Top 1 Percent – March 14, 2014

Either Way – Reducing Ohio’s Top Income Tax Rate to 4 or 5 Percent is a Bad Idea – February 19, 2014

Cutting taxes doesn’t help Ohio economy – February 18, 2014

Income-tax cut would favor well-to-do – February 13, 2014

Will Ohio Medicaid Savings End Up as Tax Cut for the Rich? – November 13, 2013

Another Ohio tax cut for the affluent – October 29, 2013

A Credit that counts – October 21, 2013

Bad Budgets Become Law in Ohio and Wisconsin – July 1, 2013

Tax plan still rewards affluent, leaves some of poorest Ohioans paying more – June 26, 2013

New plan would cut taxes $6,000 a year on average for Ohio’s most affluent – June 25, 2013

Income-tax cut would favor affluent Ohioans- Middle-income residents on average would get $51 a year – April 22, 2013

Kasich tax proposal would further tilt tax system in favor of Ohio’s affluent – February 7, 2013

Voters Asked to Make Up Local Revenues States Stopped Providing – November 2, 2012

Income-tax cut would favor affluent; Middle-class Ohioans wouldn’t get enough for a tank of gas – March 19, 2012

Bad Idea in Ohio: Pay For Income Tax Cut with a Fracking Tax – March 15, 2012

Cuts Are the Wrong Answer, Governor Kasich; Here’s a Better One – February 10, 2012

Ohio Estate Tax in Peril – June 2, 2011

Trouble Brewing in Ohio – March 18, 2011

Analysis finds that cutting Ohio’s tax on capital gains would be costly, 92% of Ohioans would get nothing – March 14, 2011

Ohio Governor: Get Mojo Back by Slashing Taxes for Wealthy Investors – February 11, 2011

Two States Turning Their Back on Federal Stimulus Dollars; Another Stands Ready to Take the Money – November 19, 2010

 

Scott Walker

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“After his 2011 election, Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker aggressively pursued and helped pass a series of tax cuts in 2011, 2013, 2014 and 2015. His policies pushed the state into bad fiscal straits and there is no evidence that tax changes enacted under his leadership have had the positive impact on the state’s economy that he promised. In addition, Gov. Walker has hinted that he favors repealing state and federal income taxes, a move that would make the tax system substantially more regressive.”

Scott Walker’s Tax-Cut-Driven Economic Plan – July 28, 2015

The Realities of Governing Will Put Candidates’ Anti-Tax Rhetoric to the Test – November 6, 2014

Tax Shifts Would Cut Taxes for Richest, Raise Taxes on Others – October 15, 2014

Tax Policy and the Race for the Governor’s Mansion: Wisconsin Edition – July 14, 2014

 


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Why Lawmakers Should Say No to Tax Extenders, Yes to the Working Families’ Tax Credits

November 23, 2015 01:50 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Read Report as a PDF.

Congress is likely to consider a package of legislation primarily made up of tax breaks for business, known as the “tax extenders.” The cost of passing the tax extenders for two years would be nearly $97 billion according to the Joint Committee on Taxation. The 10-year cost for the continual extension of these provisions would be nearly $740 billion.

This year some lawmakers are pushing to make many of the tax extenders a permanent part of the tax code. In fact, the House Ways and Means Committee has passed a number of bills making permanent or even substantially expanding the cost of some of the tax extenders, including the research credit, “bonus” depreciation, and loopholes that encourage offshore tax avoidance. Further, lawmakers are negotiating a deal to make many of the tax extenders permanent in exchange for making permanent expansions to the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and the Child Tax Credit (CTC).

Lawmakers should keep three points in mind when considering how to deal with the tax extenders package:

1. Most of the tax extenders are ineffective giveaways to business that should be either substantially reformed or allowed to expire.

2. Any renewal of the tax extenders should be paid for.

3. To really help Americans, Congress should make permanent the enhancements to the EITC and CTC.

1. Most of the tax extenders are not worth keeping.

Of the more than 50 tax extenders, just four, bonus depreciation, the research and experimentation tax credit, the active financing exception (AFE) and the controlled foreign corporations look-through rule (CFC Look-Thru Rule), make up 62 percent of the cost of the package. These tax breaks are costly tax giveaways to large corporations that do not provide much, if anything, in economic gain. They should be allowed to expire.

The most costly tax extender is bonus depreciation, which alone will cost $246 billion over 10 years and represents one-third of the package. Congress first enacted bonus depreciation during the George W. Bush administration as a supposed economic stimulus. It has been reenacted or extended many times since then with no discernible positive effect on business investment. A study by the non-partisan Congressional Research Service (CRS) found that depreciation breaks are “a relatively ineffective tool for stimulating the economy.” Given its ineffectiveness and the fact that the economy has largely recovered, there is no reason to renew this costly provision.

The second most expensive provision of the tax extenders, costing $109 billion over 10 years, is the research credit. While promoting “research” and “innovation” is a laudable goal, the research credit is a poorly targeted way of pursuing that goal. Most of the activity that the credit rewards would have occurred anyway. In addition, the research that ends up being subsidized is often of dubious value, such as the development of new soda flavors and packaging designs. The research credit should either be substantially reformed or allowed to remain expired. It certainly should not be doubled in size, as some in Congress are proposing.

Taken together, the two offshore loopholes in the tax extenders, the CFC Look-Thru Rule and the AFE, would cost almost $100 billion over the next 10 years. These two provisions are what enable many companies like Apple and General Electric to avoid billions in taxes by shifting their profits into offshore tax havens. With the increasing, pernicious use of tax havens by multinational corporations, a good place to start in cracking down on this activity would be to allow these two loopholes to remain expired.

Many of the remaining extenders, representing one-third of the cost, do not provide a substantial enough public benefit to justify their renewal. For a deeper dive into the efficacy of the largest individual tax extenders, read the updated CTJ report “Evaluating the Tax Extenders.” While lawmakers like to tout a tiny deduction for teachers who purchase classroom supplies or the deduction for some college expenses when they talk about the tax extenders, the reality is that these provisions are just window dressing, making up only 1 percent of the overall package.

2. Any renewal of the tax extenders should be paid for.

If lawmakers decide some of the tax extenders are worth keeping, they should pay for them with offsetting tax increases. For years, Congress has been struggling to find acceptable ways to pay for essential programs like the highway bill or to undo some of the budget sequester program cuts. But lawmakers have been willing to throw fiscal responsibility out the window and pass the tax extenders without paying for them. This is a double standard.

It’s important to note the that cost of a two-year extension of the extenders obscures the real cost of the continual renewal of the extenders. If they continue to be extended, then over the next decade, the CBO estimates they will cost $740 billion.

While there are a myriad of ways to raise the revenue needed to offset the cost of any extenders, the most logical way would be to close corporate loopholes. Ideally, this would include legislation that would end offshore tax dodging such as the Stop Tax Haven Abuse Act, an anti-inversion measure like The Corporate Fair Share Tax Act, or ending the deferral of U.S. tax on profits that companies have moved offshore.

3. The expansions to the EITC and CTC should be made permanent.

If Congress really wants to help working families, it should make permanent two other expiring tax provisions, the expansions of the EITC and the CTC that were passed as part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009. If allowed to expire, more than 13 million families with nearly 25 million children would see their benefits cut by an average of $1,073. For families struggling to make ends meet, every dollar counts.

The research on the working families’ tax credits is clear. They can play a powerful role in increasing employment and reducing poverty, which is especially needed during this time of high poverty and growing income inequality.

Congress could also build on the success of the EITC by expanding it to childless workers, who do not see much benefit from the current system. This kind of expansion has gotten support from both Democratic President Barack Obama and Republican Speaker of the House Paul Ryan. A recent Senate proposal along these lines would provide crucial relief to over 10.5 million individuals and families and provide them an average benefit of $604. 


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Evaluating the Tax Extenders

November 23, 2015 01:15 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Many of the most costly tax extenders should be reformed or remain expired

Read Report as a PDF.

Year after year, Congress has renewed a package of temporary tax provisions known as the “tax extenders.” Nearly all of them should be substantially curtailed or allowed to remain expired. Because these provisions are in the tax code and routinely evaluated as a package, the individual provisions have not been subjected to the same level of scrutiny as spending programs of comparable size.

The four most costly provisions — bonus depreciation, the research credit, the so-called “active financing exception,” and the “CFC Look-Through Rule” — make up 62 percent of the total cost of the package. Yet they are not designed to help the economy, as discussed below. Many of the other tax extenders are subsidies that could more sensibly be provided through direct spending.

Lawmakers or special interest groups often argue that the tax extender legislation should be enacted because it includes a helpful provision that benefits individuals or small businesses. For example, it’s easy to support the small deduction for teachers who purchase classroom supplies out of their own pockets. Putting aside the merits of this provision, this break makes up just 0.3 percent of the cost of the tax extenders package. This and other similarly small provisions do not justify $740 billion over 10 years in deficit-financed tax cuts that mostly go to corporations and businesses.

Bonus Depreciation
10-Year Cost: $245.8 billion

Bonus depreciation is the costliest and most wasteful tax break in the tax extenders package. It is an expansion of existing breaks that allow businesses to deduct their asset’s depreciation more quickly than is warranted by its actual decline in value. The provision was first passed early in the George W. Bush administration as a temporary economic stimulus. It has been reenacted or extended many times since then with no discernible positive effect on business investment. Instead, it provides another corporate tax loophole for many large corporations.

How does this provision work? Companies are allowed to deduct from their taxable income the expenses of running their businesses so what is taxed is net profit. Businesses can also deduct the costs of purchases of machinery, software, buildings and so forth, but since these capital investments don’t lose value right away, these deductions are taken over time. In other words, capital expenses (expenditures to acquire or upgrade assets that generate income over a long period of time) usually must be written off over a number of years to reflect their ongoing usefulness.

In most cases firms would rather deduct capital expenses right away rather than delay these deductions because of the time value of money ( e.g. a given amount of money is worth more today than the same amount of money will be worth if it is received later.) For example, $100 invested now at a 7 percent return will grow to $200 in ten years.

A report from the Congressional Research Service reviews efforts to quantify the impact of bonus depreciation and explains that “the studies concluded that accelerated depreciation in general is a relatively ineffective tool for stimulating the economy.”[1]

Research Tax Credit
10 Year Cost: $109 billion

Rather than just extending the research credit, the House has passed legislation nearly doubling the cost of the tax credit.[2] Given the myriad problems with the research credit, Congress would be better off substantially reforming the credit or letting it expire entirely but should not expand the credit.[3]

One aspect of the credit that needs to be reformed is the definition of “research.” As it stands now, accounting firms are helping companies obtain the credit to subsidize redesigning food packaging and other activities that most Americans would see no reason to subsidize. The uncertainty about what qualifies as eligible research also results in substantial litigation and seems to encourage companies to push the boundaries of the law.

Another aspect of the credit that needs to be reformed is the rule governing how and when firms obtain the credit. For example, Congress should bar taxpayers from claiming the credit on amended returns because it is absurd to infer that the credit retroactively encouraged research.

As it stands now, some major accounting firms approach businesses and tell them that they can identify activities the companies carried out in the past that qualify for the research credit, and then help the companies claim the credit on amended tax returns. When used this way, the credit does not accomplish the goal of increasing the amount of research conducted by businesses.

The Offshore Loopholes

Active Financing Exception (aka GE Loophole)
10 Year Cost: $78 Billion

“Subpart F” of the tax code attempts to bar American corporations from “deferring” (delaying) paying U.S. taxes on certain types of offshore profits that are easily shifted out of the United States, such as interest income. The “active financing” exception to subpart F allows American financial corporations to defer paying taxes on offshore income even though such income is often really earned in the U.S. or other developed countries, but has been artificially shifted into an offshore tax haven to avoid taxes.

The “active financing” exception should have never been a part of the tax code.

The U.S. technically taxes the worldwide corporate profits, but American corporations can “defer” (delay indefinitely) paying U.S. taxes on “active” profits of their offshore subsidiaries until those profits are officially brought to the U.S. “Active” profits are what most ordinary people would think of as profits earned directly from providing goods or services.

“Passive” profits, in contrast, include dividends, rents, royalties, interest and other types of income that are easier to shift from one subsidiary to another. Subpart F tries to bar deferral of taxes on such kinds of offshore income. The so-called “active financing exception” makes an exception to this rule for profits generated by offshore financial subsidiaries doing business with offshore customers.

The active financing exception was repealed in the loophole-closing1986 Tax Reform Act, but was reinstated in 1997 as a “temporary” measure after fierce lobbying by multinational corporations. President Clinton tried to eliminate the provision with a line-item veto; however, the Supreme Court ruled the line-item veto unconstitutional and reinstated the exception. In 1998 Congress expanded the provision to include foreign captive insurance subsidiaries. It has been extended numerous times since 1998, usually for only one or two years at a time, as part of the tax extenders.

As explained in another report from Citizens for Tax Justice, the active financing exception provides a tax advantage for expanding operations abroad. It also allows multinational corporations to avoid tax on their worldwide income by creating “captive” foreign financing and insurance subsidiaries.[4] The financial products of these subsidiaries, in addition to being highly fungible and highly mobile, are also highly susceptible to manipulation or “financial engineering,” allowing companies to manipulate their tax bill as well.

The exception is one of the reasons that General Electric paid, on average, only a 1.8 percent effective U.S. federal income tax rate over 10 years. G.E.’s dramatically lowered its federal tax bill by using the active financing exception provision by its subsidiary, which Forbes noted has an “uncanny ability to lose lots of money in the U.S. and make lots of money overseas.”[5]

Controlled Foreign Corporations Look-Through Rule (aka Apple Loophole)
10 Year Cost: $21.8 billion

The “CFC look-thru rule” allows U.S. multinational corporations to create “nowhere income,” or profits that are not taxed by any country. It allows U.S. parent companies to treat foreign subsidiaries as corporations in one country but as non-existent in another country (typically the U.S.) The result is that the subsidiary generates deductible payments in one country, but reports no corresponding taxable income in a second, low- or no-tax country.

The closely watched 2013 Apple investigation by the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations resulted in a memorandum — signed by the subcommittee’s chairman and ranking member, Sens. Carl Levin and John McCain — that listed the CFC look-through rule as one of the loopholes used by Apple to shift profits abroad and avoid U.S. taxes.[6]

Section 179 Small Business Expensing
10 Year: $68.8 billion

Congress has showered businesses with several types of depreciation breaks, that is, breaks allowing firms to deduct the cost of acquiring or developing a capital asset more quickly than the asset actually wears out. Section 179 allows smaller businesses to write off most of their capital investments immediately (up to certain limits). A report from the Congressional Research Service reviews efforts to quantify the impact of depreciation breaks and explains that “the studies concluded that accelerated depreciation in general is a relatively ineffective tool for stimulating the economy.”[7]

Section 179 allows firms to deduct the entire cost of equipment purchases (to “expense” them) up to a limit. The most recent tax extenders package included provisions that allowed expensing of up to $500,000 of equipment purchases. The deduction is phased out when such purchases exceed $2 million.

Often, the actual beneficiaries of this provision are not necessarily what people think of as “small businesses.” Still, there is little reason to believe that business owners, big or small, respond to anything other than demand for their products and services.

Deduction for State and Local Sales Taxes
10 Year: $42.4 billion

Permanent provisions in the federal personal income tax allow taxpayers to claim itemized deductions for property taxes and income taxes paid to state and local governments. Long ago, a deduction was allowed for state and local sales taxes, but that was repealed as part of the 1986 tax reform. In 2004, the deduction for sales taxes was brought back temporarily and extended several times since then.

Because the deduction for state and local sales taxes cannot be taken along with the deduction for state and local income taxes, in most cases, taxpayers will take the sales tax deduction only if they live in one of the handful of states that have no state income tax.

Taxpayers can keep their receipts to substantiate the amount of sales taxes paid throughout the year, but in practice most people use rough calculations provided by the IRS for their state and income level. People who make a large purchase, such as a vehicle or boat, can add the tax on such purchases to the IRS calculated amount.

There are currently nine states that have no broad-based personal income tax and rely more on sales taxes to fund public services. Politicians from these states argue that it’s unfair for the federal government to allow a deduction for state income taxes, but not for sales taxes. But this misses the larger point. Sales taxes are inherently regressive and allowing wealthy individuals to deduct these taxes helps perpetuate that inequality.

To be sure, lower-income people pay a much higher percentage of their incomes in sales taxes than the wealthy. But lower-income people also are unlikely to itemize deductions and are thus less likely to enjoy this tax break. In fact, the higher your income, the more the deduction is worth, since the amount of tax savings depends on your tax bracket.

The table above includes taxpayer data from the IRS for 2011 along with data generated from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) tax model to determine how different income groups would be affected by the deduction for sales taxes in the context of the federal income tax laws in effect today.

As illustrated in the table, people earning less than $60,000 a year who take the sales-tax deduction receive an average tax break of just $100, and receive less than a fifth of the total tax benefit. Those with incomes between $100,000 and $200,000 enjoy a break of almost $500 and receive a third of the deduction, while those with incomes exceeding $200,000 save $1,130 and receive just over a fourth of the total tax benefit.

Work Opportunity Tax Credit
10 Year: $17.4 billion

The Work Opportunity Tax Credit ostensibly helps businesses hire welfare recipients and other disadvantaged individuals. But a report from the Center for Law and Social Policy concludes that it mainly provides a tax break to businesses for hiring they would have done anyway:[8] 

WOTC is not designed to promote net job creation, and there is no evidence that it does so. The program is designed to encourage employers to increase hiring of members of certain disadvantaged groups, but studies have found that it has little effect on hiring choices or retention; it may have modest positive effects on the earnings of qualifying workers at participating firms. Most of the benefit of the credit appears to go to large firms in high turnover, low-wage industries, many of whom use intermediaries to identify eligible workers and complete required paperwork. These findings suggest very high levels of windfall costs, in which employers receive the tax credit for hiring workers whom they would have hired in the absence of the credit.

15-Year Cost Recovery Break for Leasehold, Restaurants, and Retail
10 Year: $17 billion

Congress has showered all sorts of businesses with breaks that allow them to deduct the cost of developing capital assets more quickly than they actually wear out. This particular tax extender allows certain businesses to write off the cost of improvements made to restaurants and stores over 15 years rather than the 39 years that would normally be required.

It is unclear why helping restaurant owners and store owners improve their properties should be seen as more important than nutrition and education for low-income children or unemployment assistance or any of the other benefits that lawmakers insist cannot be enacted if they increase the deficit.

Deduction for Tuition and Related Expenses
10 Year: $5.1 billion

The limited deduction for tuition and related expenses is not among the larger tax extenders, but it’s worth understanding because it is one of the provisions that lawmakers sometimes cite as a reason to support the tax extenders legislation. This deduction makes up only 0.7 percent of the cost of the entire tax extenders legislation. It is not justification for passing this costly legislation.

The deduction for tuition and related expenses is the most regressive tax break for postsecondary education. The distribution of tax breaks for postsecondary education among income groups is important because if their purpose is to encourage people to obtain education, they will be more effective if they are targeted to lower-income households that could not otherwise afford college rather than well-off families that will send their kids to college no matter what.

The graph below compares the distribution of various tax breaks for postsecondary education as well as Pell Grants.

The graph illustrates that not all tax breaks for postsecondary education are the same, and the deduction for tuition and related expenses is the most regressive of the bunch. Some of these tax breaks are more targeted to those who really need them, although none are nearly as well-targeted to low-income households as Pell Grants. Tax cuts for higher education taken together are not well-targeted, as illustrated in the bar graph below. Americans paying for undergraduate education for themselves or their kids in 2009 or later generally have no reason to use the deduction because starting that year another break for postsecondary education was expanded and became more advantageous.


[1] Gary Guenther, Section 179 and Bonus Depreciation Expensing Allowances: Current Law, Legislative Proposals in the 112th Congress, and Economic Effects, September 10, 2012. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL31852.pdf

[2] Citizens for Tax Justice, “House Leadership Content to Balloon the Deficit for the Sake of Corporate Tax Breaks,” May 20, 2015. http://www.taxjusticeblog.org/archive/2015/05/house_leadership_content_to_ba.php

[3] Citizens for Tax Justice, “Reform the Research Credit — Or Let It Die,” December 4, 2013. http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2013/12/reform_the_research_tax_credit_–_or_let_it_die.php

[4] Citizens for Tax Justice, “Don’t Renew the Offshore Tax Loopholes,” August 2, 2012. www.ctj.org/ctjreports/2012/08/dont_renew_the_offshore_tax_loopholes.php

[5] Christopher Helman, “What the Top U.S. Companies Pay in Taxes,” Forbes, April 1, 2010, http://www.forbes.com/2010/04/01/ge-exxon-walmart-business-washington-corporate-taxes.html.

[6] Senators Carl Levin and John McCain, Memorandum to Members of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, May 21, 2013. http://www.hsgac.senate.gov/download/?id=CDE3652B-DA4E-4EE1-B841-AEAD48177DC4

[7] Gary Guenther, “Section 179 and Bonus Depreciation Expensing Allowances: Current Law, Legislative Proposals in the 112th Congress, and Economic Effects,” Congressional Research Service, September 10, 2012. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL31852.pdf

[8] Elizabeth Lower-Basch, “Rethinking Work Opportunity: From Tax Credits to Subsidized Job Placements,” Center for Law and Social Policy, November 2011. http://www.clasp.org/resources-and-publications/files/Big-Ideas-for-Job-Creation-Rethinking-Work-Opportunity.pdf

 


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Marco Rubio’s Tax Plan Gives Top 1% An Average Tax Cut of More than $220,000 a Year

November 3, 2015 01:38 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Update March 9th, 2016: Click here or scroll down to see a new addendum showing the cost of Rubio’s tax plan with alternative assumptions regarding his proposed refundable credit and his treatment of personal exemptions.

Read Report as a PDF.

A new Citizens for Tax Justice analysis of Marco Rubio’s tax plan reveals that it would add $11.8 trillion to the national debt over a decade. More than a third of Rubio’s tax cuts would go to the best-off 1 percent of Americans.

What the Rubio Plan Would Do 

Rubio’s tax plan includes major changes to both the personal and corporate income taxes.

Under Rubio’s plan, every income group would receive a tax cut. As a share of income, the top 1 percent would collectively see a tax cut equal to 12.5 percent of their average income, more than two times as big as the tax changes as a share of income enjoyed by the middle 20 percent of Americans, who would get a tax cut equal to 5.6 percent of their income.

The bottom 20 percent would receive a substantial cut of 13.9 percent as a percentage of their income due to Rubio’s creation of a $2,000 refundable tax credit for singles and $4,000 for married couples in place of the standard deduction, along with a huge expansion of the partially refundable per-child credit. CTJ’s modeling assumes that the standard credits would be fully refundable based on Rubio’s latest description of his tax plan.[i] Despite Rubio’s promise, however, his campaign staff has suggested that there would be rules denying standard credit refunds to non-workers and current non-filers. If such rules were proposed, the tax cuts for the bottom income group would be somewhat lower than our analysis shows. On the other hand, such rules would be hard to police, given the incentive the credit would create to report some earnings (even if none exist). [ii]

Overall, we found that:

  • The poorest 20 percent of Americans would receive a tax cut averaging $2,168 a year (assuming full refundability of the standard credit).
  • Middle-income Americans would receive an average tax cut of $2,859.
  • The best-off one percent of taxpayers would enjoy an average tax cut of $223,783.
  • More than a third of the tax cuts (34 percent) would go to the top one percent.

How the Rubio Plan Would Cut Personal Income Taxes:

  • Reduces the top personal income tax rate from 39.6 percent to 35 percent, and reduces the number of tax brackets from 7 to 3 (35, 25 and 15 percent).
  • Eliminates taxes on capital gains and dividends, including the 3.8 percent high-income surtax on investment income that was enacted as part of President Barack Obama’s health care reforms.
  • Reduces the top tax rate on individual business income to 25 percent.
  • Replaces standard deduction with a $2,000 per taxpayer (i.e., $4,000 for married couples) refundable tax credit, which phase out between $150,000 and $200,000 for individuals and between $300,000 and $400,000 for couples.
  • Creates a new, partially refundable child tax credit of up to $2,500 per child on top of the existing $1,000 per-child credit. The new credit is refundable based on rules similar to the current child credit. It phase out at much higher income levels than the current child credit (starting at $150,000 for individuals and $300,000 for couples)
  • Eliminates the Alternative Minimum Tax, which was designed to ensure that the wealthiest Americans pay at least a minimal amount of tax.
  • Eliminates the estate tax.

As a modest offset, the plan eliminates all itemized deductions with the exception of the charitable contributions and the mortgage interest deductions, which would now be available to all taxpayers. This change would more than double the number of taxpayers who would itemize their deductions.

How the Rubio Plan Would Cut Corporate Income Taxes:

  • Cuts the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 25 percent.
  • Allows for full expensing on new investments, including buildings and land.
  • Enacts a territorial tax system.

The plan also includes some revenue offsets:

  • Eliminates the deductibility of interest expense (except for financial businesses).

“By eliminating personal taxes on capital gains and other investment income, repealing the estate tax and cutting the corporate income tax by about half, Rubio’s plan hugely favors the wealthy,” said CTJ Director Bob McIntyre. “And by reducing revenues by almost $12 trillion over a decade, his plan will require draconian cuts to essential public services and likely wreck our economy.”

Addendum: Modeling Rubio’s Plan Under Alternative Assumptions

In the table below we adjusted the estimated size of Rubio’s tax cuts downward from our previous estimate, based on new information that his advertised “refundable” standard credit would not be nearly as refundable as he has publicly claimed, and that the new credit would replace not only the standard deduction but also taxpayer personal exemptions (but not dependents’ exemptions).

 


[i] “A Pro-Growth, Pro-Family Tax Plan for the New American Century” https://marcorubio.com/issues-2/rubio-tax-plan/

[ii] The Rubio campaign is quoted as saying “Rules would be tailored to ensure that our reforms would not create payments for new, non-working filers.” Dylan Matthews, “Marco Rubio and John Harwood’s testy debate exchange on taxes, explained.” October 30, 2015. http://www.vox.com/2015/10/30/9642850/marco-rubio-john-harwood


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Jeb Bush’s Tax Plan Gives Top 1% Average Tax Cut of Nearly $180,000

October 28, 2015 02:03 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Bush’s Tax Plan Turns Populism on Its Head

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A Citizens for Tax Justice analysis of Jeb Bush’s tax plan reveals that it would cut taxes by $7.1 trillion[i] over a decade, and it would give almost half of its tax cuts to the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans.

What the Bush Plan Would Do

Bush’s tax plan includes major changes to both the personal and corporate income taxes. This analysis is an update of a previous analysis that focused only on Bush’s proposed changes to personal income taxes.[ii]

Under Bush’s plan, every income group would see a tax cut. But the plan’s tax changes would reserve the biggest benefit for the very best-off Americans. As a share of income, the top 1 percent would collectively see a tax cut equal to 10.2 percent of their income, more than two and a half times the tax changes enjoyed by any other income group, and nearly five times the size of the tax cuts that would go to the poorest 20 percent of Americans.

  • The poorest 20 percent of Americans would receive a tax cut averaging $316.
  • Middle-income Americans would receive an average tax cut of $1,572.
  • The best-off 1 percent of taxpayers would enjoy an average tax cut of $177,246.
  • Almost half of the tax cuts (46 percent) would go to the top one percent.

How the Bush Plan Would Cut Personal Income Taxes:

  • Reduces the top personal income tax rate from 39.6 percent to 28 percent, and reduces the number of tax brackets from 7 to 3.
  • Eliminates the 3.8 percent high-income surtax on unearned income that was enacted as part of President Barack Obama’s health care reforms.
  • Eliminates the Alternative Minimum Tax, which was designed to ensure that the wealthiest Americans pay at least a minimal amount of tax.
  • Cuts the maximum tax rate on interest income to 20 percent, mirroring the plan’s special treatment of capital gains and dividends.
  • Increases the standard deduction by $5,000 for single filers and $10,000 for married couples.
  • Doubles the size of the Earned Income Tax Credit for childless filers.
  • Eliminates rules that limit the benefit of certain exemptions and deductions for high-income filers.
  • Eliminates the estate tax.

The plan also includes some revenue offsets:

  • Eliminates the itemized deduction for state and local income, property and sales taxes.
  • Creates a new cap on the value of itemized deductions (other than charitable contributions) so that the tax benefit from these deductions cannot exceed 2 percent of a taxpayer’s Adjusted Gross Income (AGI).
  • Ends the special tax break for the “carried interest” income enjoyed by hedge fund managers (although the tax rate on carried interest would be only slightly higher than now, due to Bush’s reduction in the top regular income tax rate).

How the Bush Plan Would Cut Corporate Income Taxes:

  • Cuts the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent.
  • Allows for full expensing on new investments, including buildings.
  • Eliminates the corporate alternative minimum tax.
  • Enacts a territorial tax system with a 100 percent exemption on dividends.

The plan also includes some revenue offsets:

  • Eliminates the deductibility of interest expense (except for financial businesses).
  • Phases out special corporate deductions and credits, with the exception of the research and experimentation credit.

 

 


[i] Our 10-year revenue estimate differs substantially from the one offered by the Bush campaign largely due to the fact that the Bush campaign substantially underestimates the cost of its proposed corporate tax cut provisions and overestimates the amount it raises with its corporate tax offsets.

[ii] Citizens for Tax Justice, “More Than Half of Jeb Bush’s Tax Cuts Would Go To the Top 1%,” September 11, 2015. http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2015/09/jeb_bush_tax_plan_turning_populism_on_its_head.php


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Guiding Principles for Tax Reform

October 27, 2015 02:27 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Raise Revenue, Enhance Fairness, Stop Corporate Tax Avoidance

(Read the updated 2016 version of this report here.)

Read the report as a PDF.

There is widespread agreement in the halls of Congress and among the American people that the U.S. tax system desperately needs reform. Yet some proposed federal tax changes defy what most Americans would consider reform. This policy brief outlines three sensible, broad objectives for meaningful federal tax reform and discusses specific policies that can help achieve these objectives.

1. Tax Reform Should Raise Revenue

The most basic task of any tax system is to raise enough revenue to fund needed public investment, but the federal tax system has consistently failed to achieve this minimal goal. In 35 of the past 40 years, the federal government has failed to collect enough tax revenue to pay for all of federal spending, so in each of these years the nation has run a budget deficit. Anti-tax advocates would have the public believe that these persistent deficits are due to federal spending growth. But in fiscal year 2014, federal spending was lower as a percentage of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product than it was in any year of Ronald Reagan’s presidency. And in the past five years alone, discretionary spending has fallen by almost a third as a share of the economy.[1]

The nation’s federal deficits are primarily the product of our historically low federal tax revenues. In each of the past four years, federal revenues have been lower as a share of the economy than at any time since the early 1970s.[2] As a result, U.S. taxes are well below those of most other nations. In 2013, the most recent year for which complete data are available, the U.S. collected less tax revenue as a percentage of its economy than did any other economically developed country besides Chile and Mexico.[3]

Budget deficits can, of course, be balanced through a mix of revenue increases and spending cuts. But the main driver in the nation’s ongoing budget deficits is the decline in federal tax revenues, driven by sweeping tax cuts enacted more than a decade ago. This suggests that a sensible goal of comprehensive tax reform should be to raise federal revenues substantially above their current depressed level.

Revenue-raising reforms must be designed in a way that strengthens our tax system in both the short run and the long term, but some current congressional proposals emphasize raising revenue in the short run at the expense of sustainable long-term tax revenue. For example, proposals to enact a “tax holiday” for trillions of dollars in cash that American corporations are currently holding offshore would provide a small short-term revenue boost, but it would mean forgoing a much larger long-term revenue stream if these companies paid their fair share of the corporate tax when they eventually repatriate these profits. [4]

A sensible question to ask about any proposed revenue-raising plan is whether it would help provide sustainable long-term tax revenue or whether it would undercut this goal in the name of short-term expediency.

2. Tax reform should not exacerbate income inequality

Fairness is in the eye of the beholder, but Americans generally agree that a fair tax system should not tax poor people further into poverty. Contrary to the “skin in the game” rhetoric used by some presidential candidates, Americans at all income levels pay a substantial share of their income to support public services.

In fact, the poorest 20 percent of Americans will pay, on average, 19.2 percent of their income in federal, state and local taxes in 2015. The average annual income in this group is about $15,000, so families living below the federal poverty threshold still pay a significant percentage of their income in taxes.

Mitigating poverty and creating conditions in which more citizens can participate and contribute to our nation’s economy is a necessary social policy goal. Requiring the poorest Americans to spend a fifth of their income on taxes is tantamount to making the poor poorer. For this reason, a minimal goal of revenue-raising federal tax reform should be to avoid increasing taxes on the most vulnerable Americans beyond their current level.

At the other end of the spectrum, our tax code contains special carve outs for the very best-off Americans that allow the wealthiest Americans to avoid paying their fair share. For example, the tax code treats income derived from wealth more favorably than income derived from work. The top tax rate on capital gains income is 23.8 percent, well below the 39.6 percent top tax rate on salaries and wages. Two-thirds of all capital gains are enjoyed by the top 1 percent of Americans.[5] More so than virtually any other feature of the tax code, the capital gains tax break exacerbates widening economic inequality in our nation.

In spite of these inequities, the federal tax system helps offset the regressive nature of state tax systems, all of which take a greater share of income from their lowest-income residents than from their wealthiest residents. The share of total taxes paid by each income group is roughly equal to the share of total income received by that group. For example, the poorest fifth of taxpayers will pay only 2 percent of total taxes this year, which is not surprising given that this group will receive only 3.2 percent of total income this year. Meanwhile, the richest 1 percent of Americans will pay 23.8 percent of total taxes and receive 22.2 percent of total income in 2013.[6] In other words, the nation’s collective tax system is relatively flat or proportional rather than progressive.

Tax reform should avoid pushing low-income working families further into poverty and make the very wealthiest Americans pay their fair share. Fortunately, there are straightforward policy solutions to help achieve each of these goals. Preserving and expanding targeted tax credits such as the Earned Income Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit would reward work and help low-income families make ends meet. And taxing capital gains and dividends in the same way that salaries and wages are taxed would raise some revenue, add fairness and progressivity to the tax code as well as ease widening income inequality.

3. Tax reform should close corporate tax loopholes and ensure corporations pay their fair share

Fortune 500 corporations are aggressively seeking to avoid all income tax liability, lobbying intensively for new tax breaks while simultaneously engaging in an aggressive effort to shift their U.S. profits into low-rate foreign tax havens.

Further, some of the biggest Fortune 500 corporations are finding ways to shelter their U.S. income from taxes altogether. A 2014 CTJ/ITEP report found that 111 Fortune 500 companies were able to avoid all federal income taxes in at least one profitable year between 2008 and 2012,[7] and a companion report found a similar pattern at the state level.[8] In many cases, these zero-tax corporations are simply claiming generous tax breaks that have been enacted by Congress (at the behest of corporate lobbyists) over the years. All too often, these tax provisions lavish huge tax cuts on the most profitable corporations while offering little to smaller businesses with less lobbying clout.

Paring back tax breaks for accelerated depreciation, research and development and manufacturers could help achieve a level playing field for businesses of all sizes.

Many of the same big multinational corporations are aggressively seeking to avoid taxes by claiming, for tax purposes, that their U.S. profits are actually being earned in offshore tax havens.

This widespread income-shifting stems largely from an arcane feature of the U.S. corporate tax law: American multinational corporations are allowed to “defer” paying whatever U.S. taxes are owed on the profits of their offshore subsidiary companies until those profits are officially brought to the U.S.

Deferral encourages American corporations to use accounting gimmicks to make their domestic profits appear to be generated by subsidiary companies in countries with a very low tax or no corporate tax.

The most straightforward policy option to end this sham is to end deferral. This would mean that all the profits of American corporations are subject to the U.S. corporate income tax whether they are domestic profits or foreign profits generated by offshore subsidiaries. This change would eliminate the incentive for an American corporation to move its operations offshore or to make its U.S. profits appear to be generated in an offshore tax haven.

Putting it All Together

Our tax system chronically underfunds the public investments the American public demands—and does so in a way that pushes low-income families further into poverty while allowing huge corporations and the best-off Americans to avoid paying their fair share. True tax reform should raise revenue in the short run, to help meet the country’s pressing budgetary needs, while simultaneously creating a sustainable long-term revenue stream to meet tomorrow’s needs. Tax reform should also avoid making inequality and poverty greater problems than they already are. Each of these goals can be achieved by closing unwarranted loopholes for capital gains and offshore corporate profits, while preserving and expanding valuable low-income tax credits.


[1] Office of Management and Budget, Historical Tables, October 20, 2015. https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/Historicals

[2] Ibid.

[3] Citizens for Tax Justice, The U.S. Is One of the Least Taxed Developed Countries, April 9, 2015. http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2015/04/the_us_is_one_of_the_least_taxed_developed_countries.php

[4] Citizens for Tax Justice, $2.1 Trillion in Corporate Profits Held Offshore: A Comparison of International Tax Proposals, July 14, 2015 http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2015/07/21_trillion_in_corporate_profits_held_offshore_a_comparison_of_international_tax_proposals.php

[5] Citizens for Tax Justice, Ending the Capital Gains Tax Preference would Improve Fairness, Raise Revenue and Simplify the Tax Code, September 20, 2012. http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2012/09/ending_the_capital_gains_tax_preference_would_improve_fairness_raise_revenue_and_simplify_the_tax_co.php

[6] Citizens for Tax Justice, Who Pays Taxes in America in 2015?, April 9, 2015. http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2015/04/who_pays_taxes_in_america_in_2015.php.

[7] Citizens for Tax Justice, The Sorry State of Corporate Taxes, February, 25, 2014. http://www.ctj.org/corporatetaxdodgers/

[8] Citizens for Tax Justice, 90 Reasons We Need State Corporate Tax Reform, March 19, 2014. http://ctj.org/90reasons/


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Offshore Shell Games 2015

October 5, 2015 03:12 PM | | Bookmark and Share

The Use of Offshore Tax Havens by Fortune 500 Companies

Read this report in PDF.

Download Dataset/Appendix (XLS)

Executive Summary

Introduction

Most of America’s Largest Corporations Maintain Subsidiaries in Offshore Tax Havens

Cash Booked Offshore for Tax Purposes by U.S. Multinationals Doubled between 2008 and 2013

Evidence Indicates Much of Offshore Profits are Booked to Tax Havens

Firms Reporting Fewer Tax Haven Subsidiaries Do Not Necessarily Dodge Fewer Taxes Offshore

Measures to Stop Abuse of Offshore Tax Havens

Methodology

End Notes

Executive Summary:

Back to Contents

U.S.-based multinational corporations are allowed to play by a different set of rules than small and domestic businesses or individuals when it comes to the tax code. Rather than paying their fair share, many multinational corporations use accounting tricks to pretend for tax purposes that a substantial portion of their profits are generated in offshore tax havens, countries with minimal or no taxes where a company’s presence may be as little as a mailbox. Multinational corporations’ use of tax havens allows them to avoid an estimated $90 billion in federal income taxes each year.

Congress, by failing to take action to end to this tax avoidance, forces ordinary Americans to make up the difference. Every dollar in taxes that corporations avoid by using tax havens must be balanced by higher taxes on individuals, cuts to public investments and public services, or increased federal debt.

This study examines the use of tax havens by Fortune 500 companies in 2014. It reveals that tax haven use is ubiquitous among America’s largest companies and that a narrow set of companies benefits disproportionately.

Most of America’s largest corporations maintain subsidiaries in offshore tax havens. At least 358 companies, nearly 72 percent of the Fortune 500, operate subsidiaries in tax haven jurisdictions as of the end of 2014.

-All told, these 358 companies maintain at least 7,622 tax haven subsidiaries.

-The 30 companies with the most money officially booked offshore for tax purposes collectively operate 1,225 tax haven subsidiaries.

Approximately 60 percent of companies with tax haven subsidiaries have set up at least one in Bermuda or the Cayman Islands — two particularly notorious tax havens. Furthermore, the profits that all American multinationals — not just Fortune 500 companies — collectively claimed they earned in these two island nations in 2010 totaled 1,643 percent and 1,600 percent of each country’s entire yearly economic output, respectively.

Fortune 500 companies are holding more than $2.1 trillion in accumulated profits offshore for tax purposes. Just 30 Fortune 500 companies account for 65 percent of these offshore profits. These 30 companies with the most money offshore have booked $1.4 trillion overseas for tax purposes.

Only 57 Fortune 500 companies disclose what they would expect to pay in U.S. taxes if these profits were not officially booked offshore. In total, these 57 companies would owe $184.4 billion in additional federal taxes. Based on these 57 corporations’ public disclosures, the average tax rate that they have collectively paid to foreign countries on these profits is a mere 6.0 percent, indicating that a large portion of this offshore money has been booked in tax havens. If we apply that average tax rate of 6.0 percent to the entirety of Fortune 500 companies, they would collectively owe $620 billion in additional federal taxes. Some of the worst offenders include:

Apple: Apple has booked $181.1 billion offshore — more than any other company. It would owe $59.2 billion in U.S. taxes if these profits were not officially held offshore for tax purposes. A 2013 Senate investigation found that Apple has structured two Irish subsidiaries to be tax residents of neither the United States, where they are managed and controlled, nor Ireland, where they are incorporated. This arrangement ensures that they pay no tax to any government on the lion’s share of their offshore profits.

American Express: The credit card company officially reports $9.7 billion offshore for tax purposes on which it would owe $3 billion in U.S. taxes. That implies that American Express currently has paid only a 4 percent tax rate on its offshore profits to foreign governments, indicating that most of the money is booked in tax havens levying little to no tax. American Express maintains 23 subsidiaries in offshore tax havens.

Nike: The sneaker giant officially holds $8.3 billion offshore for tax purposes on which it would owe $2.7 billion in U.S. taxes. This implies Nike pays a mere 2.5 percent tax rate to foreign governments on those offshore profits, indicating that nearly all of the money is officially held by subsidiaries in tax havens. Nike likely does this in part by licensing the trademarks for some of its products to three subsidiaries in Bermuda to which it then pays royalties (essentially to itself).  

Some companies that report a significant amount of money offshore maintain hundreds of subsidiaries in tax havens, including the following:

PepsiCo maintains 132 subsidiaries in offshore tax havens. The soft drink maker reports holding $37.8 billion offshore for tax purposes, though it does not disclose what its estimated tax bill would be if it didn’t book those profits offshore.

Pfizer, the world’s largest drug maker, operates 151 subsidiaries in tax havens and officially holds $74 billion in profits offshore for tax purposes, the fourth highest among the Fortune 500. Pfizer recently attempted the acquisition of a smaller foreign competitor so it could reincorporate on paper as a “foreign company.” Pulling this off would have allowed the company a tax-free way to use its supposedly offshore profits in the U.S. 

Morgan Stanley reports having 210 subsidiaries in offshore tax havens. The bank officially holds $7.4 billion offshore. It has also been infamously implicated in facilitating individual tax evasion through its Swiss banking division.

Corporations that disclose fewer tax haven subsidiaries do not necessarily dodge taxes less. Many companies have disclosed fewer tax haven subsidiaries in recent years, all while increasing the amount of cash they keep offshore. Some companies may simply be failing to disclose substantial numbers of tax haven subsidiaries. Others may be booking larger amounts of income to fewer tax haven subsidiaries. 

Consider:

Citigroup reported operating 427 tax haven subsidiaries in 2008 but disclosed only 41 in 2014. Over that time period, Citigroup nearly doubled the amount of cash it reported holding offshore. The company currently pays only an 8.5 percent tax rate offshore, implying that most of those profits have been booked to low- or no-tax jurisdictions.  

Walmart reported operating zero tax haven subsidiaries in 2014 and for the past decade. Despite this, a recent report released by Americans for Tax Fairness revealed that the company operates as many as 75 tax haven subsidiaries (using this report’s list of tax haven countries) that were not included in its SEC filings. Over the past decade, Walmart’s offshore income has grown from $6.8 billion in 2005 to $23.3 billion in 2014. 

Bank of America reported operating 264 tax haven subsidiaries in 2013 but disclosed only 22 in 2014. At the same time, Bank of America’s offshore holdings have increased modestly from $17 billion to $17.2 billion. 

Google reported operating 25 subsidiaries in tax havens in 2009, but since 2010 only discloses two, both in Ireland. During that period, it increased the amount of cash it reported offshore from $7.7 billion to $47.4 billion. An academic analysis found that as of 2012, the 23 no-longer-disclosed tax haven subsidiaries were still operating.  

Microsoft, which reported operating 10 subsidiaries in tax havens in 2007, disclosed only five in 2014. During this same time period, the amount of money that Microsoft reported holding offshore jumped by a factor of 14. Microsoft has paid a tax rate of only 3 percent to foreign governments on those profits, suggesting that most of the cash is booked in tax havens. 

Congress can and should take strong action to prevent corporations from using offshore tax havens, which in turn would restore basic fairness to the tax system, reduce the deficit and improve the functioning of markets.

There are clear policy solutions that lawmakers can enact to crack down on tax haven abuse. They should end the incentives for companies to shift profits offshore, close the most egregious offshore loopholes and increase transparency.

 

Introduction

Back to Contents 

There is no greater symbol of the excesses of the world of corporate tax havens than the Ugland house, a modest five-story office building in the Cayman Islands that serves as the registered address for 18,857 companies.[i] Simply by registering subsidiaries in the Cayman Islands, U.S. companies can use legal accounting gimmicks to make much of their U.S.-earned profits appear to be earned in the Caymans and thus pay no taxes on those profits.

U.S. law does not even require that subsidiaries have any physical presence in the Caymans beyond a post office box. In fact, about half of the subsidiaries registered at the infamous Ugland have their billing address in the U.S., even while they are officially registered in the Caymans.[ii] This unabashedly false corporate “presence” is one of the hallmarks of a tax haven subsidiary.

What is a Tax Haven?

Tax havens have four identifying features.[iii]
First, a tax haven is a jurisdiction with very
low or nonexistent taxes. Second is the
existence of laws that encourage financial
secrecy and inhibit an effective exchange of
information about taxpayers to tax and law
enforcement authorities. Third is a general
lack of transparency in legislative, legal or
administrative practices. Fourth is the lack of
a requirement that activities be “substantial,”
suggesting that a jurisdiction is trying to earn
modest fees by enabling tax avoidance.

This study uses a list of 50 tax haven
jurisdictions, which each appear on at least
one list of tax havens compiled by the
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD), the National Bureau of
Economic Research, or as part of a U.S.
District Court order listing tax havens. These
lists were also used in a 2008 GAO report
investigating tax haven subsidiaries.[iv]

Companies can avoid paying taxes by booking profits to a tax haven because U.S. tax laws allow them to defer paying U.S. taxes on profits that they report are earned abroad until they ”repatriate” the money to the United States. Many U.S. companies game this system by using loopholes that allow them to disguise profits actually made in the U.S. as “foreign” profits earned by subsidiaries in a tax haven.

Offshore accounting gimmicks by multinational corporations have created a disconnect between where companies locate their actual workforce and investments, on one hand, and where they claim to have earned profits, on the other. The Congressional Research Service found that in 2008, American multinational companies collectively reported 43 percent of their foreign earnings in five small tax haven countries: Bermuda, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. Yet these countries accounted for only 4 percent of the companies’ foreign workforces and just 7 percent of their foreign investments. By contrast, American multinationals reported earning just 14 percent of their profits in major U.S. trading partners with higher taxes — Australia, Canada, the UK, Germany, and Mexico — which accounted for 40 percent of their foreign workforce and 34 percent of their foreign investment.[v] The IRS released data last year showing that American multinationals collectively reported in 2010 that 54 percent of their foreign earnings were “earned” in 12 notorious tax havens (see table 4).[vi]

Profits booked “offshore” often remain onshore, invested in U.S. assets.

Much if not most of the profits kept “offshore” are actually housed in U.S. banks or invested in American assets, but are registered in the name of foreign subsidiaries. In such cases, American corporations benefit from the stability of the U.S. financial system while avoiding paying taxes on their profits that officially remain booked “offshore” for tax purposes.[vii] A Senate investigation of 27 large multinationals with substantial amounts of cash that was supposedly “trapped” offshore found instead that more than half of the offshore funds were already invested in U.S. banks, bonds, and other assets.[viii] For some companies the percentage is much higher. A Wall Street Journal investigation found that 93 percent of the money Microsoft has officially booked “offshore” is invested in U.S. assets.[ix] In theory, companies are barred from investing directly in their U.S. operations, paying dividends to shareholders or repurchasing stock with money they declare to be “offshore.” But even that restriction is easily evaded because companies can use the cash supposedly “trapped” offshore for those purposes by borrowing at negligible rates using their offshore holdings as implied collateral.

Average Taxpayers Pick Up the Tab for Offshore Tax Dodging.

Congress has created loopholes in our tax code that allow offshore tax avoidance, which forces ordinary Americans to make up the difference. The practice of shifting corporate income to tax haven subsidiaries reduces federal revenue by an estimated $90 billion annually.[x] Every dollar in taxes companies avoid by using tax havens must be balanced by higher taxes paid by other Americans, cuts to government programs, or increased federal debt. If small business owners were to pick up the full tab for offshore tax avoidance by multinationals, they would on average each have had to pay an estimated $3,244 in additional taxes last year.[xi]

It makes sense for profits earned in America to be subject to U.S. taxation. The profits earned by these companies generally depend on access to America’s largest-in-the-world consumer market, a well-educated workforce trained by our school systems, strong private-property rights enforced by our court system, and American roads and rail to bring products to market.[xii] Multinational companies that depend on America’s economic and social infrastructure are shirking their obligation to pay for that infrastructure when they shelter their profits overseas.

A NOTE ON MISLEADING TERMINOLOGY

“Offshore profits”: Using the term “offshore profits”
without any qualification inaccurately describes how 
U.S. multinationals hold profits in tax havens. The 
term implies that these profits were earned purely 
through foreign business activity. In reality, much 
of these “offshore profits” are actually U.S. profits 
that companies have disguised as foreign profits 
made in tax havens to avoid taxes. To be more 
accurate, this study instead describes these funds 
as “profits booked offshore for tax purposes.”

“Repatriation” or “bringing the money back”
Repatriation is a legal term used to describe when 
a U.S. company declares offshore profits as returned 
to the U.S.  As a general description, “repatriation” 
wrongly implies that profits companies have booked 
offshore for tax purposes are actually sitting offshore 
and missing from the U.S. economy, and that a 
company cannot make use of those profits in the U.S. 
without “bringing them back” and paying U.S. tax.

Most of America’s Largest Corporations Maintain Subsidiaries in Offshore Tax Havens

Back to Contents  

This study found that as of 2014, 358 of Fortune 500 companies — nearly three-quarters — disclose subsidiaries in offshore tax havens, indicating how pervasive tax haven use is among large companies. All told, these 358 companies maintain at least 7,622 tax haven subsidiaries.[xiii] The 30 companies with the most money held offshore collectively disclose 1,225 tax haven subsidiaries. Bank of America, Citigroup, JPMorgan-Chase, Goldman Sachs, Wells Fargo and Morgan Stanley — all large financial institutions that received taxpayer bailouts in 2008 — disclose a combined 412 subsidiaries in tax havens.

Companies that rank high for both the number of tax haven subsidiaries and how much profit they book offshore for tax purposes include:

PepsiCo maintains 132 subsidiaries in offshore tax havens. The soft drink maker reports holding $37.8 billion offshore for tax purposes, though it does not disclose what its estimated tax bill would be if it didn’t keep those profits offshore.

Pfizer, the world’s largest drug maker, operates 151 subsidiaries in tax havens and officially $74 billion in profits offshore for tax purposes, the fourth highest among the Fortune 500. The company made more than 41 percent of its sales in the U.S. between 2008 and 2014,[xiv] but managed to report no federal taxable income for seven years in a row. This is because Pfizer uses accounting techniques to shift the location of its taxable profits offshore. For example, the company can transfer patents for its drugs to a subsidiary in a low- or no-tax country. Then when the U.S. branch of Pfizer sells the drug in the U.S., it “pays” its own offshore subsidiary high licensing fees that turn domestic profits into on-the-books losses and shifts profit overseas.  

Pfizer recently attempted a corporate “inversion” in which it would have acquired a smaller foreign competitor so it could reincorporate on paper in the United Kingdom and no longer be an American company. A key reason Pfizer attempted this maneuver was to make it even easier to shift U.S. profits offshore and have full use of their offshore cash without paying taxes on them.

Morgan Stanley reports having 210 subsidiaries in offshore tax havens. The bank officially holds $7.4 billion offshore. It has also been infamously implicated in facilitating individual tax evasion through its Swiss banking division.

 

 

Cash Booked Offshore for Tax Purposes by U.S. Multinationals Doubled between 2008 and 2014

Back to Contents 

In recent years, U.S. multinational companies have sharply increased the amount of money that they book to foreign subsidiaries. An April 2015 study by research firm Audit Analytics found that the Russell 1000 list of U.S. companies collectively reported having nearly $2.3 trillion held offshore. That is more than double the income reported offshore in 2008.[xv]

For many companies, increasing profits held offshore does not mean building factories abroad, selling more products to foreign customers, or doing any additional real business activity in other countries. Instead, many companies use accounting tricks to disguise their profits as “foreign,” and book them to a subsidiary in a tax haven to avoid taxes.

The practice of artificially shifting profits to tax havens has increased in recent years. In 1999, the profits American multinationals reported earning in Bermuda represented 260 percent of that country’s entire economy. In 2008, it was up to 1,000 percent.[xvi] More offshore profit shifting means more U.S. taxes avoided by American multinationals. A 2007 study by tax expert Kimberly Clausing of Reed College estimated that the revenue lost to the Treasury due to offshore tax haven abuse by corporations totaled $60 billion annually. In 2011, she updated her estimate to $90 billion.[xvii]

The 286 Fortune 500 Companies that report offshore profits collectively hold $2.1 trillion offshore, with 30 companies accounting for 65 percent of the total.

By the end of 2014, the 286 Fortune 500 companies that report holding offshore cash had collectively accumulated over $2.1 trillion that they declare to be “permanently reinvested” abroad. (This designation allows them to avoid counting the taxes they have “deferred” as a future cost in their financial reports to shareholders.) While 57 percent of Fortune 500 companies report having income offshore, some companies shift profits offshore far more aggressively than others. The 30 companies with the most money offshore account for $1.4 trillion of the total. In other words, just 30 Fortune 500 companies account for 65 percent of the offshore cash.

Not all companies report how much cash they have “permanently reinvested offshore,” so the finding that 286 companies report offshore profits does not include all cash booked offshore. For example, Northrop Grumman reported in 2011 having $761 million offshore. But since 2012, the defense contractor has reported that it continues to have permanently reinvested earnings, but no longer specifies how much. 

Evidence Indicates Much of Offshore Profits are Booked to Tax Havens

Back to Contents

Companies are not required to disclose publicly how much they tell the I.R.S. they’ve earned in specific foreign countries. Still, some companies provide enough information in their annual SEC filings to deduce that these companies characterize for tax purposes that much of their offshore cash is sitting in tax havens.

Only 57 Fortune 500 companies disclose what they would pay in taxes if they did not book their profits offshore.

In theory, companies are required to disclose how much they would owe in taxes on their offshore profits in their annual 10-K filings to the SEC and shareholders. But a major loophole allows them to avoid such disclosure if the company claims that it is “not practicable” to calculate the tax.[xviii] The 57 companies that do publicly disclose the tax calculations report that they would owe $184.4 billion in additional federal taxes, a tax rate of 29 percent.

The U.S. tax code allows a credit for taxes paid to foreign governments when profits held offshore are declared in the U.S. and become taxable here. While the U.S. corporate tax rate is 35 percent, the average tax rate that these 57 companies have paid to foreign governments on the profits they’ve booked offshore appears to be a mere 6 percent.[xix] That in turn indicates that the bulk of their offshore cash has been booked in tax havens that levy little or no corporate tax.

If the additional 29.0 percent tax rate that the 57 disclosing companies say they would owe would also apply to the offshore cash held by the non-disclosing companies, then the Fortune 500 companies as a group would owe an additional $620 billion in federal taxes.

Examples of large companies paying very low foreign tax rates on offshore cash include:

Apple: Apple has booked $181.1 billion offshore — more than any other company. It would owe $59.2 billion in U.S. taxes if these profits were not officially held offshore for tax purposes. This means that Apple has paid a miniscule 2.3 percent tax rate on its offshore profits. That confirms that Apple has been getting away with paying almost nothing in taxes on the huge amount of profits it has booked in Ireland.

American Express: This company reports $9.7 billion in accumulated offshore profits, on which it says it would owe $3 billion in U.S. taxes. That implies that it has paid only a 4 percent tax rate to foreign governments on its offshore profits, and thus indicates that most of that money has been booked in tax havens levying little to no tax.[xx] American Express maintains 23 subsidiaries in offshore tax havens.

Nike: The sneaker giant reports $8.3 billion in accumulated offshore profits, on which it would owe $2.7 billion in U.S. taxes. That implies Nike has paid a mere 2.5 percent tax rate to foreign governments on those offshore profits. Again, this indicates that nearly all of the offshore money is held by subsidiaries in tax havens. Nike is likely able to engage in such tax avoidance in part by transferring the ownership of Nike trademarks for some of its products to 3 subsidiaries in Bermuda. Humorously, Nike’s Bermuda subsidiaries bear the names of Nike shoes such as “Air Max Limited” and “Nike Flight.”[xxi] 

The latest IRS data show that in 2010, more than half of the foreign profits reported by all U.S. multinationals were booked in tax havens for tax purposes.

In the aggregate, IRS data show that in 2010, American multinationals collectively reported to the IRS that they earned $505 billion in 12 well known tax havens. That’s more than half (54 percent) of the total profits that American companies reported earning abroad that year. For the five tax havens where American companies booked the most profits, those reported earnings were greater than the size of those countries’ entire economies (as measured by GDP). This illustrates how little relationship there is between where American multinationals actually do business and where they report that they made their profits for tax purposes.

Approximately 65 percent of companies with tax haven subsidiaries have registered at least one subsidiary in Bermuda or the Cayman Islands — the two tax havens where profits from American multinationals accounted for the largest percentage of the two countries’ GDP.

Maximizing the benefit of offshore tax havens by reincorporating as a “foreign” company: a new wave of corporate “inversions.”

Some American companies have gone so far as to change the address of their corporate headquarters, on paper, so they can reincorporate in a foreign country, a maneuver called an ‘inversion.” Inversions increase the reward for exploiting offshore loopholes. In theory, an American company must pay U.S. tax on profits it claims were made offshore if it wants to officially bring the money back to the U.S. to pay out dividends to shareholders or make certain U.S. investments. However, this scheme stands reality on its head. Once a corporation reconfigures itself as “foreign,” the profits it claims were earned for tax purposes outside the U.S. become exempt from U.S. tax.

Even though a “foreign” corporation still is supposed to pay U.S. tax on profits it earns in the U.S., corporate inversions are often followed by “earnings-stripping.” This is a scheme in which a corporation loads the American part of the company with debt owed to the foreign part of the company. The interest payments on the debt are tax deductible, thus reducing taxable American profits. The foreign company to which the U.S. profits are shifted will be set up in a tax haven to avoid foreign taxes as well.[xxii]

In 2004, Congress passed bipartisan legislation to crack down on inversions. The law now requires that inverted companies that have at least 80 percent of the same shareholders as the pre-inversion parent to be treated as American companies for tax purposes, unless the company did “substantial business” in the country in which it was reincorporating.[xxiii] The Treasury’s definition of “substantial business” made this law difficult to game.[xxiv]

However, in recent years, companies have discovered a way to circumvent the bipartisan anti-inversion laws. They do so by acquiring a smaller foreign company so that shareholders of the foreign company own slightly more than 20 percent of the newly merged company.[xxv] Walgreens and Pfizer — two quintessentially American companies — made headlines when it was revealed that they were considering mergers that would allow them to reincorporate abroad. A Bloomberg investigation found that 15 publicly traded companies have reincorporated abroad within the last few years, explaining that “most of their CEOs didn’t leave. Just the tax bills did.”[xxvi]

 

 

Firms Reporting Fewer Tax Haven Subsidiaries Do Not Necessarily Dodge Fewer Taxes Offshore

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In 2008, the Government Accountability Office conducted a study revealing 83 of the top 100 publicly traded companies operated subsidiaries in offshore tax havens. But more tax haven subsidiaries doesn’t necessarily mean that a company dodges more taxes than other companies.  Today, some companies report fewer subsidiaries in tax haven countries than they did in 2008, but some of these same companies report significant increases in how much cash they hold abroad. They report paying such low tax rates to foreign governments that it indicates most if not all of the money has been booked in tax havens.

One explanation for this phenomenon is that some companies are simply not reporting some of the offshore subsidiaries that they previously disclosed. The SEC requires that companies report all “significant” subsidiaries, based on multiple measures of a subsidiary’s share of the company’s total assets. Furthermore, if the combined assets of all subsidiaries deemed “insignificant” collectively qualified as a significant subsidiary, then the company would have to disclose them. But a recent academic study found that the penalties for not disclosing subsidiaries are so light that companies might decide that disclosure isn’t worth the bad publicity it could engender. The researchers postulate that increased media attention on offshore tax dodging and/or IRS scrutiny could be a reason why some companies have stopped disclosing all of their offshore subsidiaries. Examining the case of Google, the academics found that it was so improbable that the company could only have two significant foreign subsidiaries that Google “may have calculated that the SEC’s failure-to-disclose penalties are largely irrelevant and therefore may have determined that disclosure was not worth the potential costs associated with increases in either tax and/or negative publicity costs.”[xxvii] Moreover, the researchers found that as of 2012, 23 of Google’s no-longer-disclosed tax haven subsidiaries were still operating.

Another possibility is that companies are simply consolidating more income in fewer offshore subsidiaries, since having just one tax haven subsidiary is enough to dodge billions in taxes. For example, a 2013 Senate investigation of Apple found that the tech giant primarily uses two Irish subsidiaries — which own the rights to some of Apple’s intellectual property — to hold $102 billion in offshore cash. Manipulating tax loopholes in the U.S. and other countries, Apple has structured these subsidiaries so that they are not tax residents of either the U.S. or Ireland, ensuring that they pay no taxes to any government on the lion’s share of the money. One of the subsidiaries has no employees.[xxviii]

Examples of large companies that have reported fewer tax haven subsidiaries in recent years while simultaneously shifting more profits offshore include:

Citigroup reported operating 427 tax haven subsidiaries in 2008 but disclosed only 41 in 2014. Over that time period, Citigroup increased the amount of cash it reported holding offshore from $21.1 billion to $43.8 billion, ranking the company 12th for the amount of cash booked offshore. The company estimates it would owe $11.6 billion in taxes had it not booked those profits offshore. The company currently pays an 8.5 percent tax rate offshore, implying that most of those profits have been booked to low- or no-tax jurisdictions.  

Walmart reported operating zero tax haven subsidiaries in 2014 and for the past decade. Despite this, a recent report released by Americans for Tax Fairness revealed that the company had as many as 75 tax haven subsidiaries (using this report’s list of tax haven countries) in operation that were not included in its SEC filings.[xxix] Over the past decade, Walmart’s accumulated offshore profits have grown from $6.8 billion in 2005 to $23.3 billion in 2014. 

Bank of America reported operating 264 tax haven subsidiaries in 2013, but disclosed only 22 in 2014. At the same time, Bank of America’s offshore holdings have increased modestly, from $17 billion to $17.2 billion. 

Google reported operating 25 subsidiaries in tax havens in 2009, but since 2010 it has only disclosed two, both in Ireland. During that period, it increased the amount of profits it has booked offshore from $7.7 billion to $47.4 billion. As noted above, an academic analysis found that as of 2012, the 23 no-longer-disclosed tax haven subsidiaries were still operating.[xxx] Google uses accounting techniques nicknamed the “double Irish” and the “Dutch sandwich,” according to a Bloomberg investigation. Using two Irish subsidiaries, one of which is headquartered in Bermuda, Google shifts profits through Ireland and the Netherlands to Bermuda, shrinking its tax bill by approximately $2 billion a year.[xxxi] 

Microsoft reported operating 10 subsidiaries in tax havens in 2007; in 2014, it disclosed only five. During this same time period, the company increased the amount of money it held offshore from $7.5 billion to $108.3 billion, on which it says it would owe $34.5 billion in U.S. taxes. That implies that the company has paid a tax rate of just 3 percent to foreign governments on those profits, indicating that most of the cash is booked to tax havens. Microsoft ranks 3rd for the amount of cash it keeps offshore. A Wall Street Journal investigation found that over 90 percent of Microsoft “offshore” cash was actually invested by its offshore subsidiaries in U.S. assets like Treasuries, allowing for the company to benefit from the stability of the U.S. financial system without paying taxes on those profits.[xxxii] 

 

Measures to Stop Abuse of Offshore Tax Havens

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Strong action to prevent corporations from using offshore tax havens will not only restore basic fairness to the tax system, but will also alleviate pressure on America’s budget deficit and improve the functioning of markets. Markets work best when companies thrive based on their innovation or productivity, rather than the aggressiveness of their tax accounting schemes.

Policymakers should reform the corporate tax code to end the incentives that encourage companies to use tax havens, close the most egregious loopholes, and increase transparency so companies can’t use layers of shell companies to shrink their taxes.

End incentives to shift profits and jobs offshore.

-The most comprehensive solution to ending tax haven abuse would be to stop permitting U.S. multinational corporations to indefinitely defer paying U.S. taxes on profits they attribute to their foreign subsidiaries. In other words, companies should pay taxes on their foreign income at the same rate and time that they pay them on their domestic income. Paying U.S. taxes on this overseas income would not constitute “double taxation” because the companies already subtract any foreign taxes they’ve paid from their U.S. tax bill, and that would not change. Ending “deferral” could raise nearly $900 billion over ten years, according to the both the Congressional Joint Committee on Taxation and the U.S. Treasury Department.[xxxiii]

-The best way to deal with existing profits being held offshore would be to tax them through a deemed repatriation at the full 35 percent rate (minus foreign taxes paid). President Obama has proposed a much lower rate of 14 percent, which would allow large multinational corporations to avoid around $400 billion in taxes that they owe. Former Republican Ways and Means Chairman Dave Camp proposed a rate of only 8.75 percent, which would allow large multinational corporations to avoid around $450 billion in taxes that they owe. At a time of fiscal austerity, there is no reason that companies should get hundreds of billions in tax benefits to reward them for their offshore income.

Reject the Creation of New Loopholes

-Reject a “territorial” tax system. Tax haven abuse would be worse under a system in which companies could shift profits to tax haven countries, pay minimal or no tax under those countries’ tax laws, and then freely use the profits in the United States without paying any U.S. taxes. The JCT estimates that switching to a territorial tax system could add almost $300 billion to the deficit over ten years.[xxxiv]

-Reject the creation of a so-called ”innovation” or “patent box.” Some lawmakers are trying to create a new loophole in the code by giving companies a preferential tax rate on income earned from patents, trademarks, and other “intellectual property” which is easy to assign to offshore subsidiaries.  Such a policy would be an unjustified and ineffective giveaway to multinational U.S. corporations.[xxxv]

Close the most egregious offshore loopholes.

Policy makers can take some basic common-sense steps to curtail some of the most obvious and brazen ways that some companies abuse offshore tax havens.

-Cooperate with the OECD and its member countries to implement the recommendations of the group’s Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) project, which represents a modest first step toward international coordination to end corporate tax avoidance.[xxxvi]

-Close the inversion loophole by treating an entity that results from a U.S.-foreign merger as an American corporation if the majority (as opposed to 80 percent) of voting stock is held by shareholders of the former American corporation. These companies should be treated as U.S. companies if they are managed and controlled in the U.S. and have significant business activities in the U.S.[xxxvii]

-Stop companies from shifting intellectual property (e.g. patents, trademarks, licenses) to shell companies in tax haven countries and then paying inflated fees to use them. This common practice allows companies to legally book profits that were earned in the U.S. to the tax haven subsidiary owning the patent. Limited reforms proposed by President Obama could save taxpayers $21.3 billion over ten years, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT).[xxxviii]

-Reform the so-called “check-the-box” rules to stop multinational companies from manipulating how they define their status to minimize their taxes. Right now, companies can make inconsistent claims to maximize their tax advantages, telling one country that a subsidiary is a corporation while telling another country the same entity is a partnership or some other form.

-Stop companies from taking bigger tax credits than the law intends for the taxes they pay to foreign countries by reforming foreign tax credits. Proposals to “pool” foreign tax credits would save $58.6 billion over ten years, according to the JCT.[xxxix]

-Stop companies from deducting interest expenses paid to their own offshore affiliates, which put off paying taxes on that income. Right now, an offshore subsidiary of a U.S. company can defer paying taxes on interest income it collects from the U.S.-based parent, even while the U.S. parent claims those interest payments as a tax deduction. This reform would save $51.4 billion over ten years, according to the JCT.[xl]

Increase transparency.

-Require full and honest reporting to expose tax haven abuses. Multinational corporations should report their profits on a country-by-country basis so they can’t mislead each nation about the share of their income that was taxed in the other countries. An annual survey of CEOs around the globe done by PricewaterhouseCoopers found that nearly 60 percent of the CEOs support this reform as a way to clamp down on avoidance.[xli]

 

Methodology

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To calculate the number of tax haven subsidiaries maintained by the Fortune 500 corporations, we used the same methodology as a 2008 study by the Government Accountability Office that used 2007 data (see endnote 5).

The list of 50 tax havens used is based on lists compiled by three sources using similar characteristics to define tax havens. These sources were the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the National Bureau of Economic Research, and a U.S. District Court order. This court order gave the IRS the authority to issue a “John Doe” summons, which included a list of tax havens and financial privacy jurisdictions.

The companies surveyed make up the 2015 Fortune 500, a list of which can be found here: http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune500/.

To figure out how many subsidiaries each company had in the 50 known tax havens, we looked at “Exhibit 21” of each company’s 2014 10-K report, which is filed annually with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Exhibit 21 lists out every reported subsidiary of the company and the country in which it is registered. We used the SEC’s EDGAR database to find the 10-K filings. 358 of the Fortune companies disclose offshore subsidiaries, but it is possible that many of the remaining 142 companies simply do not disclose their offshore tax haven subsidiaries.

We also used 10-K reports to find the amount of money each company reported it kept offshore in 2014. This information is typically found in the tax footnote of the 10-K. The companies disclose this information as the amount they keep “permanently reinvested” abroad.

As explained in this report, 57 of the companies surveyed disclosed what their estimated tax bill would be if they repatriated the money they kept offshore. This information is also found in the tax footnote. To calculate the tax rate these companies paid abroad in 2014, we first divided the estimated tax bill by the total amount kept offshore. That number multiplied by 100 equals the U.S. tax rate the company would pay if they repatriated that foreign cash. Since companies receive dollar-for-dollar credits for taxes paid to foreign governments, the tax rate paid abroad is simply the difference between 35% — the U.S. statutory corporate tax rate — and the tax rate paid upon repatriation.

 


End Notes

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[i] Government Accountability Office, Business and Tax Advantages Attract U.S. Persons and Enforcement Challenges Exist, GAO-08-778, a report to the Chairman and Ranking Member, Committee on Finance, U.S. Senate, July 2008, http://www.gao.gov/highlights/d08778high.pdf.

[ii] Id.

[iii] Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, “Harmful Tax Competition: An Emerging Global Issue,” 1998. http://www.oecd.org/tax/transparency/44430243.pdf

[iv] Government Accountability Office, International Taxation; Large U.S. Corporations and Federal Contractors with Subsidiaries in Jurisdictions Listed as Tax Havens or Financial Privacy Jurisdictions, December 2008.

[v] Mark P. Keightley, Congressional Research Service, An Analysis of Where American Companies Report Profits: Indications of Profit Shifting, 18 January, 2013.

[vi] Citizens for Tax Justice, American Corporations Report Over Half of Their Offshore Profits as Earned in 12 Tax Havens, 28 May 2014.

[vii] Kitty Richards and John Craig, Offshore Corporate Profits: The Only Thing ‘Trapped’ Is Tax Revenue, Center for American Progress, 9 January, 2014, http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/tax-reform/report/2014/01/09/81681/offshore-corporate-profits-the-only-thing-trapped-is-tax-revenue/.

[viii] Offshore Funds Located On Shore, Majority Staff Report Addendum, Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 14 December 2011, http://www.levin.senate.gov/newsroom/press/release/new-data-show-corporate-offshore-funds-not-trapped-abroad-nearly-half-of-so-called-offshore-funds-already-in-the-united-states/.

[ix] Kate Linebaugh, “Firms Keep Stockpiles of ‘Foreign’ Cash in U.S.,” Wall Street Journal, 22 January 2013, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323284104578255663224471212.html.

[x] Kimberly A. Clausing, “The Revenue Effects of Multinational Firm Income Shifting,” Tax Notes, 28 March 2011, 1560-1566.

[xi] Dan Smith and Jaimie Woo. Picking up the Tab, U.S. PIRG, April 2015. http://www.uspirg.org/reports/usp/picking-tab-2015-small-businesses-pay-price-offshore-tax-havens.

[xii] “China to Become World’s Second Largest Consumer Market”, Proactive Investors United Kingdom, 19 January, 2011 (Discussing a report released by Boston Consulting Group), http://www.proactiveinvestors.co.uk/columns/china-weekly-bulletin/4321/china-to-become-worlds-second-largest-consumer-market-4321.html.

[xiii] The number of subsidiaries registered in tax havens is calculated by authors looking at exhibit 21 of the company’s 2013 10-K report filed annually with the Securities and Exchange Commission. The list of tax havens comes from the Government Accountability Office report cited in note 5.

[xiv] Calculated by the authors based on revenue information from Pfizer’s 2014 10-K filing.

[xv] Audit Analytics, “Untaxed Foreign Earnings top $2.3 Trillion in 2014,” April 2015. http://www.auditanalytics.com/blog/untaxed-foreign-earnings-top-2-3-trillion-in-2014/.

[xvi] See note 6.

[xvii] Kimberly A. Clausing, “Multinational Firm Tax Avoidance and Tax policy,” 62 Nat’l Tax J 703, December 2009; see note 10 for more recent study.

[xviii] Citizens for Tax Justice, “Apple is not Alone” 2 June 2013, http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2013/06/apple_is_not_alone.php#.UeXKWm3FmH8.

[xix] See methodology for an explanation of how this was calculated.

[xx] Companies get a credit for taxes paid to foreign governments when they repatriate foreign earnings. Therefore, if companies disclose what their hypothetical tax bill would be if they repatriated “permanently reinvested” earnings, it is possible to deduce what they are currently paying to foreign governments. For example, if a company discloses that they would need to pay the full statutory 35% tax rate on its offshore cash, it implies that they are currently paying no taxes to foreign governments, which would entitle them to a tax credit that would reduce the 35% rate. This method of calculating foreign tax rates was original used by Citizens for Tax Justice (see note 21).

[xxi] Citizens for Tax Justice, “Nike’s Tax Haven Subsidiaries Are Named After Its Shoe Brands,” 25 July 2013, http://www.ctj.org/taxjusticedigest/archive/2013/07/nikes_tax_haven_subsidiaries_a.php#.U3y0Gijze2J.

[xxii] Citizens for Tax Justice, “The Problem of Corporate Inversions: the Right and Wrong Approaches for Congress,” 14 May 2014, http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2014/05/the_problem_of_corporate_inversions_the_right_and_wrong_approaches_for_congress.php#.U3tavSjze2J.

[xxiii] Other consequences kick in for inversions involving 60‐79.9% of the same shareholders. This law is based on a 2002 bill introduced by Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA) and former Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT). See 26 U.S.C.§7874 (available at

http://codes.lp.findlaw.com/uscode/26/F/80/C/7874/).

[xxiv] Treasury first defined “substantial business” in 2006 with a relatively loose bright line standard. That 2006 standard was replaced in 2009 with a vague facts and circumstances test and an intent to make inverting harder.

Companies got comfortable with that approach too, however, and resumed inverting. On June 7, 2012, Treasury issued new temporary rules creating a difficult-to-evade bright line test. Specifically, the new rules define substantial business as a minimum of 25 percent of an inverting company’s business. That is a hard threshold to meet if the main “business” in country is a post office box. But the rules go further by making the standard hard to game; the 25 percent has to be met in three different ways. Moreover, those measurements must be taken a year before the inversion, so the inversion process itself cannot be manipulated to meet the thresholds. For a more detailed discussion of the history of the interpretations, see Latham & Watkins Client Alert No. 1349, “IRS Tightens Rules on Corporate Expatriations — New Regulations Require High Threshold of Foreign Business Activity” June 12, 2012, http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=14&ved=0CFsQFjADOAo&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.lw.com%2FthoughtLeadership%2FIRSTightensRulesonCorporateExpatriations&ei=fPYmUIe‐

Dca36gG5q4GICg&usg=AFQjCNEMzRNjJYwoJtmyd4VJF‐Dnap_hxA.

[xxv] Citizens for Tax Justice, “The Problem of Corporate Inversions: the Right and Wrong Approaches for Congress,” 14 May 2014. http://ctj.org/ctjreports/2014/05/the_problem_of_corporate_inversions_the_right_and_wrong_approaches_for_congress.php#.U3tavSjze2J.

[xxvi] Zachary R. Mider, “Tax Break ‘Blarney’: U.S. Companies Beat the System with Irish Addresses,” Bloomberg News, 5 May 2014, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-05-04/u-s-firms-with-irish-addresses-criticized-for-the-moves.html.

[xxvii] Jeffrey Gramlich and Janie Whiteaker-Poe, “Disappearing subsidiaries: The Cases of Google and Oracle,” March 2013, Working Paper available at SSRN, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2229576.

[xxviii] Offshore Profit Shifting and the U.S. Tax Code — Part 2,Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 21 May, 2013, http://www.hsgac.senate.gov/subcommittees/investigations/hearings/offshore-profit-shifting-and-the-us-tax-code_-part-2.

[xxix] Americans for Tax Fairness, “The Walmart Web,” 17 June 2015. http://www.americansfortaxfairness.org/files/TheWalmartWeb-June-2015-FINAL.pdf

[xxx] See note 27.

[xxxi] Jesse Drucker, “Google Joins Apple Avoiding Taxes with Stateless Income,” Bloomberg News, 22 May 2013, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-05-22/google-joins-apple-avoiding-taxes-with-stateless-income.html.

[xxxii] See note 14.

[xxxiii] Estimate includes both the cost of “Deferral of income from controlled foreign corporations” and to “Extend the exception under subpart F for active financing income.” “Office of Management and Budget, “Fiscal Year Analytical Perspectives of the U.S. Government,” 2015. https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/budget/fy2016/assets/spec.pdf

[xxxiv] Listed as “Deduction for dividends received by domestic corporations from certain foreign corporations.” Joint Committee on Taxation, “Estimated Revenue Effects of the “Tax Reform Act of 2014,” February 26, 2014, https://www.jct.gov/publications.html?func=startdown&id=4562. JCT estimated that the cost of a territorial system would be $212 billion over a decade if the U.S. corporate tax rate were reduced to 25%. That translates to a cost of $297 billion under the current 35% tax rate.

[xxxv] Citizens for Tax Justice, “A Patent Box Would Be a Huge Step Back for Corporate Tax Reform,” June, 4, 2015. https://ctj.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/pdf/patentboxstepback.pdf

[xxxvi] OECD, “BEPS 2015 Final Reports,” October 5, 2015. http://www.oecd.org/tax/beps-2015-final-reports.htm

[xxxvii] Citizens for Tax Justice, “Proposals to Resolves the Crisis of Corporate Inversions,” August 21, 014. https://ctj.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/pdf/inversionsproblemsandsolutions.pdf

[xxxviii]Joint Committee on Taxation, “Estimated Budget Effects of the Revenue Provisions Contained in the President’s Fiscal Year 2015 Budget Proposal,” April 15, 2014, https://www.jct.gov/publications.html?func=startdown&id=4585.

[xxxix]Id.

[xl]Id.

[xli] Cited in Tom Bergin, “CEOs back country-by-country tax reporting — survey,” Reuters, 23 April 2014. http://uk.reuters.com/article/2014/04/23/uk-taxcompanies-idUKBREA3M18I20140423.


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Donald Trump’s $12 Trillion Tax Cut

September 28, 2015 04:24 PM | | Bookmark and Share

(Click here for new more comprehesive analysis)

Tax Plan Reserves Biggest Tax Cuts for the Best-off Americans

Read the report as a PDF.

Earlier today, presidential candidate Donald Trump outlined his plan to restructure personal and corporate income taxes. A new Citizens for Tax Justice analysis of the Trump plan shows that it would cut personal income taxes by nearly $12 trillion over the next decade. While the plan would cut taxes on all income groups, by far the biggest beneficiaries would be the very wealthy.

CTJ’s analysis shows that if fully implemented in tax year 2016, Trump’s tax proposals would likely reduce revenues by almost one trillion dollars a year. Every income group would see an income tax cut, on average, under Trump’s plan:

  • The poorest 20 percent of Americans would see a tax cut averaging $250.
  • Middle-income Americans would see an average tax cut of just over $2,500.
  • The best-off 1 percent of taxpayers would enjoy an average tax cut of over $227,000.

The best-off 1 percent would receive the biggest share of the income tax cuts under the Trump plan: fully 37 percent of the tax cuts would go to this small group of the wealthiest Americans. By contrast, the poorest 20 percent of Americans would see just 1 percent of the benefits from Trump’s tax cuts.

Proposed Policy Changes in the Trump Plan

 Trump proposes to dramatically reduce personal and corporate income tax rates while offsetting a small fraction of the revenue loss by reducing or closing various tax loopholes.

The plan’s tax cuts include:

  • Reduce the top personal income tax rate from 39.6 percent to 25 percent, and reduce the number of tax brackets from 7 to 3.
  • Reduce the federal corporate income tax rate from 35 to 15 percent.
  • Reduce the top tax rate on “pass-through” business income from 39.6 to 15 percent.
  • Eliminate the 3.8 percent high-income surtax on unearned income that was enacted as part of President Barack Obama’s health care reforms.
  • Eliminate the Alternative Minimum Tax, which was designed to ensure that the wealthiest Americans pay at least a minimal amount of tax.
  • Increase the standard deduction to $25,000 for single filers and $50,000 for married couples.
  • Eliminate the estate tax.

The plan also includes a few revenue-raising provisions:

  • Phase out most itemized deductions and exemptions for high-income taxpayers more rapidly than under current law. Deductions for mortgage interest and charitable contributions would not be reduced.
  • End the special tax break for the “carried interest” income enjoyed by hedge fund managers.
  • End the deferral of income taxes on corporate income earned in other countries, and cap the deductibility of business interest expense.
  • As a one-time revenue-raiser, Trump would impose a “deemed repatriation” tax of 10 percent (well below the 35 percent tax rate that should apply) on the more than $2.1 trillion in permanently reinvested offshore profits held by American multinationals.
  • Trump also says his plan “reduces or eliminates other loopholes for the very rich and special interests…[and] some corporate loopholes that cater to special interests,” but gives no further details on these revenue raisers.

 


 

*The revenue and distributional estimate have been updated to include the report has been updated to include the impact of reducing the top tax rate on pass-through income to 15 percent. The impact of this provision increased the total revenue income from $10.8 to $12 trillion and increased the tax break for those in the top quintiles substantially.

 


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