Proposed Capital Gains Tax Cut Would Divert Stimulus Funds to the Very Wealthy

October 12, 2001 12:25 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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Related CTJ Analyses
Analysis of House Stimulus Plan 10/15/01
Impact of Accelerated Rate Cuts 10/5/01
Impact of Capital Gains Proposal 10/12/01

House Republicans continue to push for a reduction in income taxes on capital gains. The latest proposal, from Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas (R-Calif.), would cut the top capital gains rate from the current 20 percent to 18 percent. (1)

A distributional analysis of the Thomas proposal finds:

  • More than 70 percent of the proposed tax cuts would go to the best-off one percent of all taxpayers. The average tax cut for these taxpayers would be $5,356 in 2002.
  • Ninety-three percent of the tax cuts would go to the top 10 percent.
  • In contrast, for the bottom 80 percent of taxpayers, the capital gains tax reduction would be worth virtually nothing.

According to stock broker Charles Schwab, who is lobbying for a capital gains tax cut, the current 20 percent capital gains tax rate has led to “stock prices that [are] too high”—implying that a lower capital gains tax rate would depress the stock market. (2)

“Our country is in the middle of a war against terrorism, our economy is staggering, and all these guys can think of is more tax cuts for the rich,” said Robert S. McIntyre, director of Citizens for Tax Justice. “It’s just plain weird.”


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Bush’s Misguided “Stimulus” Plan

October 9, 2001 05:31 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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Supply-Siders Go to War

When Abraham Lincoln faced the dissolution of the nation in the early 1860s, he imposed new taxes on the wealthy to help pay to save the Union. When Franklin Roosevelt took America to war against the Nazis, he sharply increased taxes on businesses and the rich to help fund that crusade. Now George W. Bush is leading a new battle against international terrorism, and insists that as part of that effort, we need to cut taxes on corporations and the best-off Americans!

In late September, Bush and congressional Democrats seemed to have reached general agreement on what should be done to boost our sagging economy. The goal of saving the Social Security surpluses for the future would have to be put on hold for a while to deal with the current crises. But both sides said they accepted the advice of Alan Greenspan and other economists that additional stimulus measures should be temporary to avoid exacerbating our long-term fiscal problems, which are already keeping long-term interest rates too high. Moreover, they agreed, relief measures should be targeted to help those hit hardest by the downturn. It all sounded so “bi-partisan,” so surprisingly sensible. Had our 43rd President really grown up in office?

In early October, however, Bush changed his tune dramatically. He repudiated the consensus agreement that a stimulus package’s fiscal effects should be temporary. He nixed plans to help people who’ve lost their jobs and health insurance, in favor of a package limited exclusively to tax cuts. In short, rather than focusing on short-term assistance to people and areas that need it most, Bush now wants to give huge, permanent tax breaks to those who need help the least.

On the corporate side, Bush would repeal the corporate minimum tax that now discourages corporate tax sheltering and forces some otherwise low- and no-tax large corporations to pay at least something in taxes. This would officially cost at least $22 billion over 10 years, and more likely two or three times that much. He wants to let companies take even more excessive “accelerated depreciation,” that is, write-offs for capital expenses they haven’t actually incurred, thus permanently expanding what’s already the biggest corporate tax loophole by $265 billion over the next decade. And he proposes to make it easier for corporations with “tax losses” to use them to apply for refunds of taxes they paid in the past, with a 10-year cost of $15 billion.

Perhaps worst of all, Bush wants to speed up the reductions in the top personal income tax rates enacted earlier this year, so that they take full effect starting in 2002 rather than in 2006. If Bush gets his way, next year the top income tax rate would drop to 35 percent, compared to 38.6 percent under current law. The 35 percent rate would go to 33 percent, the 30 percent rate to 28 percent, and the 27 percent rate to 25 percent. The current 10 percent and 15 percent rates would remain unchanged.

The benefits of these proposed income tax rate cuts are extraordinarily skewed. Well over half would go to the richest one percent of all taxpayers, whose average 2002 tax cut would exceed $16,000. Four-fifths would go to the best-off ten percent. In contrast, for three out of four taxpayers, the president’s proposal would provide exactly zero in tax reduction.

If adopted, accelerating the income tax rate cuts would reduce taxes on the wealthy by $122 billion over the next four years. That’s bad enough, but the long-term budget and tax policy effects are even worse. Bush’s people disingenuously argue that speeding up the tax cuts would be only a “temporary” measure, since they’ll eventually happen anyway—a line that has fooled some gullible journalists. But the truth is that Bush and his advisors fear the growing public sentiment in favor of repealing the impending tax cuts in light of our new spending needs and long-term fiscal problems. They want to lock the tax cuts in now, before that sentiment becomes politically irresistible.

To be sure, Bush does propose a tax-cut sop for the Democrats. He’s finally willing to extend the 2001 tax rebates to some 35 million taxpayers who didn’t get them or got less than the full amounts because they didn’t owe enough in income taxes, although they did pay plenty in payroll taxes. This $11 billion or so in one-shot rebates will be welcomed both by the economy and those who receive the checks, but it won’t come close to justifying the huge negative effects of the rest of Bush’s tax proposals.

Our President’s supply-side zeal to co-opt our national emergency by showering more tax breaks on corporations and the wealthy must be resisted. His plan would use up funds that could otherwise go to help those most in need. It would be ineffective as a demand stimulus—indeed, it’s counterproductive, since by making our future fiscal problems even worse, it will push up long-term interest rates. Finally, it’s an outrageous slap in the face to ordinary, patriotic taxpayers who are so willing to sacrifice for the good of America.

Rather than speeding up his beloved future tax cuts, our President should admit that they’re unaffordable and call for their delay or repeal. Then he can get back to working with Democrats on an economic recovery package that actually makes sense.

—Robert S. McIntyre, October 9, 2001, Issue #19

 


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Administration Proposal to Accelerate Income Tax Cuts Would Overwhelmingly Benefit the Wealthy

October 5, 2001 05:32 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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Facing growing public sentiment to delay or repeal future tax cuts to address our nation’s economic and budget problems, the Bush administration is pushing for just the opposite. It wants to accelerate the scheduled 2006 reductions in the top income tax rates to 2002. If adopted, the measure would reduce revenues by $120-150 billion over four years.

  • Most of the new tax cuts would go to the richest one percent of all taxpayers, whose average 2002 tax cut would exceed $16,000.
  • Four-fifths of the tax cuts would go to the best-off ten percent.
  • In contrast, for three out of four taxpayers, the administration’s proposal would provide exactly zero in tax reduction.

“The administration’s attempt to use the current crisis as an excuse for further tax breaks for the wealthy is economically indefensible and a slap in the face to ordinary, patriotic taxpayers who are willing to sacrifice for the good of America,” said Citizens for Tax Justice director Robert S. McIntyre.

“Almost everyone understands that our economy needs both short-term stimulus to boost demand and long-term fiscal restraint to reduce current interest rates on mortgages and business investments,” McIntyre said. “Showering new tax breaks on the wealthy would be ineffective as a demand stimulus, and would make our future fiscal problems even worse.”

 


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Should Big Corporations Be Exempt from Helping Pay for the War on Terrorism?

September 25, 2001 04:25 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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Astonishingly, a number of congressional leaders are trying to take advantage of the horrible events of September 11 and our nation’s current economic woes to promote a variety of big corporate tax cuts. One of the most egregious proposals being discussed would repeal the corporate alternative minimum tax. Proponents seem to believe that allowing some very large, profitable companies to pay little or nothing in income taxes would be beneficial to our economy. This is an indefensible position.

The corporate alternative minimum tax (AMT) was established in 1986 to try to assure that profitable corporations pay at least something in income taxes no matter how many tax breaks they otherwise take advantage of. At the time, there was general agreement that it was grossly unfair to permit major corporations to shift most or all of their tax obligations onto ordinary American taxpayers.

The AMT did its job well for a number of years, but unfortunately, laws enacted in 1993 and 1997 have sharply weakened it. The IRS reports that in 1998, corporations paid only $3.3 billion in AMT—compared to $8.1 billion in corporate AMT paid in 1990. All told, only 18,360 corporations made AMT payments in 1998, out of 4.8 million corporate tax returns filed that year.

A recent study of 250 of the nation’s largest corporations found that in 1998, 23 of those companies reported AMT payments. (1) (The $1.1 billion in AMT these companies paid represented more than a third of total AMT payments for all corporations in 1998.)

Including the AMT, these 23 companies paid only 10.1 percent of their $20.5 billion in pretax U.S. profits in income taxes in 1998. Without the AMT, the tax rate on these companies would have been a minuscule 4.5 percent.

  • For example, General Electric reported $9.7 billion in pretax U.S. profits in 1998. Including $549 million it paid in AMT, GE’s total federal income tax amounted to only 8 percent of those profits. Without the AMT, GE’s tax rate would have been only 2.3 percent.
  • Texaco reported a negative federal income tax of $68 million in 1998. That’s bad enough, but without the AMT, Texaco’s tax rebates would have totaled $199 million.

The point is that the AMT is hardly a serious burden on American business. Instead, it simply asks large corporations to contribute at least something to support the government that defends them and provides them with a wide range of other essential services (including the tens of billions now being devoted to aid to industries hardest hit by the terrorist attacks). In fact, rather than eliminating the AMT, Congress should take steps to make the AMT better serve its original goal of making sure that all large, profitable corporations pay a reasonable amount in taxes.

In the upcoming months and years, our country will spend vast amounts of money and perhaps lives in the war against terrorism. The general public is willing to make the sacrifices that this effort will entail because of its obvious great importance. Repealing the corporate AMT and thus eliminating taxes on some of our wealthiest corporations would be both unfair and grossly insulting to America’s hardworking, taxpaying families.

23 Large Companies Paying the Alternative Minimum Tax in 1998
(Out of a sample of 250 of America’s largest corporations; $-millions)
Company 1998 US Profit AMT paid Total tax with AMT Tax Rate with AMT Tax w/o AMT Tax Rate w/o AMT
General Electric $ 9,656.5 $ 549.0 $ 771.5 8.0% $ 222.5 2.3%
Texaco 182.0 131.0 –67.7 –37.2% –198.7 –109.2%
Phillips Petroleum 145.0 96.0 –1.1 –0.7% –97.1 –67.0%
IBM 2,821.0 77.0 752.0 26.7% 675.0 23.9%
UAL 1,247.0 61.0 107.8 8.6% 46.8 3.8%
Amerisource Health 82.0 27.1 8.5 10.4% –18.6 –22.6%
Alaska Air Group 196.6 27.0 41.3 21.0% 14.3 7.3%
Sprint 977.4 27.0 166.4 17.0% 139.4 14.3%
Praxair 263.7 26.0 47.4 18.0% 21.4 8.1%
Ryder 227.5 18.1 –16.4 –7.2% –34.5 –15.2%
General Motors 952.0 17.0 –19.0 –2.0% –36.0 –3.8%
AFLAC 216.2 12.0 24.0 11.1% 12.0 5.5%
Comdisco 181.0 12.0 11.0 6.1% –1.0 –0.6%
IMC Global 254.0 10.3 26.6 10.5% 16.3 6.4%
Tosco 227.4 10.0 –46.7 –20.6% –56.7 –25.0%
KN Energy 93.9 9.8 9.2 9.8% –0.6 –0.7%
State Street 562.0 9.0 15.0 2.7% 6.0 1.1%
Telephone and Data Systems 134.8 7.6 9.8 7.3% 2.2 1.6%
Engelhard 175.4 6.0 39.0 22.2% 33.0 18.8%
Weyerhaeuser 405.0 6.0 –9.5 –2.3% –15.5 –3.8%
Navistar 400.0 4.0 4.0 1.0%
Texas Utilities Company 934.0 4.0 174.0 18.6% 170.0 18.2%
Johns Manville 210.9 0.5 24.2 11.5% 23.7 11.2%
 
23 Corporations with AMT payments $ 20,545.4 $ 1,147.5 $ 2,071.4 10.1% $ 923.9 4.5%
Addendum (IRS data):
Total corporate AMT in 1998 $ 3,324.8
Number of companies with AMT 18,360
Sources: Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, Corporate Income Taxes in the 1990s (supplement), Oct. 2000; Internal Revenue Service, SOI Bulletin, Spring 2001.

Footnotes

1. Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, Corporate Income Taxes in the 1990s, Oct. 2000.


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Freeze the Cuts

September 18, 2001 05:35 PM | | Bookmark and Share

1. Due to the terrible events of September 11, the federal government will need to spend considerably more than previously anticipated to pay for anti-terrorism efforts and to aid our faltering economy.

2. These new emergency spending requirements have made the Bush tax cuts even more unaffordable.

3. Therefore, it is only prudent to impose a freeze on the future phase-ins of the Bush tax cuts.

4. Even if the freeze applies only to the future income tax rate reductions and estate tax cuts, it could save close to $500 billion in fiscal 2003 through 2011. Fully phased in, some 84 percent of these frozen tax cuts would otherwise go to the best-off one percent of all taxpayers.

Read the Full Report


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Bush Energy Bill Passed by House Showers Tax Breaks on Energy Industry

August 17, 2001 05:37 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Just before the August recess, the House passed its version of the Bush energy bill, largely along partisan lines. The plan is centered on $33.5 billion in energy-related tax reductions over the next ten years. The bill’s backers disingenuously insist the bill is well-balanced, with 37 percent of the new tax breaks allegedly going to encourage “conservation,” 39 percent to help ensure energy “reliability,” and a mere 24 percent for “production” incentives.

To calculate those figures, however, the bill’s sponsors weirdly characterize “investment and production credits for clean coal technology,” i.e. subsidies for using the most common modern methods of burning coal, as “conservation” measures. And they use the opaque term “reliability” to cover up what actually are more tax breaks for energy producers.

In fact, almost three quarters (72 percent) of the Bush energy bill’s tax incentives go to increased production, while a dismal 12 percent is left to promote conservation.

Read the Full Report


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Joint Committee on Taxation Agrees

June 19, 2001 05:40 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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On May 26, 2001, the congressional Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) released its estimates of the distributional effects of the 2001 tax act’s income tax cuts, on a year by year basis from 2001 through 2006.

The JCT estimates are not comprehensive, primarily because they ignore the tax act’s estate tax phase-out that begins in 2002, and exclude tax cuts that take effect after 2006. Nevertheless, the JCT figures show a very similar pattern to CTJ’s estimates regarding the share of the tax cuts that take full effect in the first year. Specifically:

  • The JCT finds that its lowest income group–less than $10,000–will see virtually all of its total 2001-06 income tax cut take effect in the first year.
Joint Committee on Taxation: % of total 2001-06 income tax cut that takes effect in the first year
< $10K 99%
$10-20K 79%
$20-30K 74%
$30-40K 72%
$40-50K 73%
$50-75K 62%
$75-100K 49%
$100-200K 35%
$200K+ 16%
  • For its next four income groups–$10,000 to $50,000–the JCT finds that three-quarters of the income tax cuts through 2006 take effect in the first year.
  • For the $50,000 to $75,000 income group, the JCT finds that 62 percent of the 2001-06 income tax cuts are fully in place by 2001.
  • For the $75,000 to $100,000 income group, the JCT finds that 49 percent of the 2001-06 income tax cuts take effect in the first year.
  • For the $100,000 to $200,000 income group, the JCT finds that a third of the income tax cuts take effect in the first year.
  • For the 3.8 million taxpayers in JCT’s top income group, $200,000 or more, the JCT finds that only 16 percent of the 2001-06 tax cuts take effect in the first year. (Strikingly, more than half of the 2001-06 income tax cut for this top group is scheduled to take effect in 2006.)

Thus, like Citizens for Tax Justice, the Joint Committee on Taxation finds that four out of five taxpayers will get most of their income tax cuts from the 2001 tax act in the first year.

 


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Post-2001 Tax Cuts Offer Little to Most Americans

June 18, 2001 05:39 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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The vast majority of American taxpayers will see the bulk of their Bush tax cuts take effect this year, leaving only a minority of taxpayers with a significant stake in the

Effects of the final Bush tax plan in 2001 & thereafter
Income Group Average tax cut in 2001 Average tax cut still to come 2001 cut as % of fully-phased-in tax cut
Lowest 20% $ –56 $ –10 85%
Second 20% –269 –107 72%
Middle 20% –405 –194 68%
Fourth 20% –575 –449 56%
Next 15% –739 –1,416 34%
Next 4% –1,008 –2,316 30%
Top 1% –3,120 –50,003 6%
ALL $ –440 $ –950 32%
ADDENDUM
Bottom 60% $ –243 $ –104 70%
Top 10% –1,121 –6,771 14%

continued phase-in of the tax cuts after 2001. An analysis of the tax bill’s phase-ins released by Citizens for Tax Justice finds that:

  • For taxpayers in the lowest fifth of income earners, 85 percent of the Bush tax cuts will show up on their 2001 tax returns or before.
  • For the second fifth, 72 percent of the Bush tax cuts take effect in 2001.
  • For the middle income group, 68 percent of the Bush tax cuts take effect in 2001.
  • For the fourth quintile, 56 percent of the Bush tax cuts take effect in 2001.

Only the best-off fifth of the population will get most of its tax cut after 2001.

  • Excluding the top one percent, about two-thirds of the tax cuts for the best-off fifth take effect after 2001.
  • For the top one percent, 94 percent of the tax cuts take effect after 2001.

In 2001, seven percent of the total tax cuts go to the top one percent. But after 2001, more than half the remaining tax cuts will go to the top one percent.

“For most Americans, the post-2001 Bush tax cuts offer little gain, but lots of pain,” said Robert S. McIntyre, director of Citizens for Tax Justice. “That’s because most people will get little more in tax reductions after the first year, while losing large amounts in public services as the remaining upper-income tax cuts are phased in.”

(President Bush’s March budget submission envisions cutting domestic appropriations by as much as a third as a share of the economy by fiscal 2011.)


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The Bush Tax Plan, State by State

June 13, 2001 05:41 PM | | Bookmark and Share

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Click here to see the summary table in PDF format.
Click here to see more detailed state-by-state tables in PDF format.


Citizens for Tax Justice today released a state-by-state analysis of the final version of President Bush’s tax cut plan, as signed by the President on June 7. The analysis was performed using the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy’s Tax Model.

The analysis shows how the tax cuts, when fully phased in by 2010, will affect taxpayers at various income levels in each state and the District of Columbia on an annual basis, in 2001 dollars.

Average tax cuts by state: Because the bulk of the Bush tax cuts are targeted toward upper-income taxpayers, citizens of wealthier states generally get larger average tax reductions, while residents of poorer states get smaller average tax reductions. For example:

  • The average tax reductions in Connecticut, Washington, D.C. and New Jersey are more than 25 percent higher than the national average tax cuts.
  • In contrast, the average tax cuts in West Virginia, Montana, Mississippi, New Mexico and Arkansas are more than 25 percent below the national average.

The typical tax cuts–what taxpayers in the middle of each states income scale will save in taxes–range from a high of $851 a year in Alaska (once the cuts are fully in place) down to a low of $502 a year in Montana.

The tables that follow show the annual effects of the final version of the Bush tax plan as signed by the President, fully-effective at 2001 income levels in 2001 dollars, on a state-by-state basis.

The final bill’s tax changes include: reductions in the current 28%, 31%, 36%, and 39.6% rates to 25%, 28%, 33% and 35% (effectively to less than 34% for the top rate, including the repeal of the itemized deduction disallowance) by 2006; addition of a new 10% bracket on the first $14,000 in taxable income for couples, $10,000 for single parents, and $7,000 for childless singles and married persons filing separately, phased in by 2008 (unindexed until thereafter); an increase in the starting point for the (new) 25% tax bracket for couples to double the starting point for childless single taxpayers (phased in by 2008); an increase in the standard deduction for couples to double the childless single amount (phased in by 2009); increases in the starting and ending points for the phase-out of the earned-income tax credit for couples by $3,000, phased in by 2008 (unindexed until thereafter); doubling of the per-child credit to $1,000 (phased in by 2010, unindexed), with phased-in expanded rules for refundability of the credit; an increase in the individual Alternative Minimum Tax exemption of $4,000 for couples and $2,000 for singles, from 2001 to 2004; repeal of the personal exemption phase out and the partial disallowance of itemized deductions at high income levels (phased in by 2010); an increase in the maximum percentage for the dependent care credit to 35% below $15,001 in AGI, with phase-down rules (to 20%) like current law, along with an increase in the child-care expenses to which the percentage applies, from $2,400 to $3,000 (double that for two or more eligible children); retirement savings tax changes; and repeal of the federal estate tax on large estates. The bill’s new education tax breaks are not included in the tables.

The Final Version of the Bush Tax Cuts, by State
  Typical tax cut % of natl. median
(+ or –)
Rank Average tax cut % of natl. average
(+ or –)
Rank
US AVERAGES $ –600     $ –1,404    
Alabama –578 –4% 39 –1,186 –15% 36
Alaska –851 +42% 1 –1,525 +9% 14
Arizona –603 +1% 34 –1,420 +1% 20
Arkansas –613 +2% 30 –1,045 –26% 47
California –627 +5% 23 –1,555 +11% 13
Colorado –656 +9% 14 –1,499 +7% 15
Connecticut –699 +17% 8 –2,220 +58% 1
Delaware –607 +1% 33 –1,379 –2% 21
District of Columbia –583 –3% 37 –1,850 +32% 2
Florida –510 –15% 50 –1,615 +15% 9
Georgia –631 +5% 22 –1,307 –7% 27
Hawaii –727 +21% 4 –1,170 –17% 40
Idaho –697 +16% 9 –1,175 –16% 39
Illinois –620 +3% 28 –1,697 +21% 5
Indiana –623 +4% 25 –1,327 –5% 23
Iowa –580 –3% 38 –1,184 –16% 37
Kansas –667 +11% 13 –1,314 –6% 26
Kentucky –566 –6% 43 –1,082 –23% 46
Louisiana –640 +7% 20 –1,271 –9% 30
Maine –571 –5% 41 –1,091 –22% 45
Maryland –702 +17% 7 –1,486 +6% 17
Massachusetts –578 –4% 40 –1,587 +13% 11
Michigan –610 +2% 31 –1,355 –3% 22
Minnesota –641 +7% 19 –1,423 +1% 19
Mississippi –534 –11% 49 –941 –33% 49
Missouri –569 –5% 42 –1,276 –9% 29
Montana –502 –16% 51 –937 –33% 50
Nebraska –556 –7% 45 –1,217 –13% 32
Nevada –596 –1% 35 –1,739 +24% 4
New Hampshire –712 +19% 6 –1,617 +15% 8
New Jersey –654 +9% 15 –1,768 +26% 3
New Mexico –668 +11% 12 –1,037 –26% 48
New York –550 –8% 47 –1,643 +17% 6
North Carolina –646 +8% 18 –1,201 –14% 34
North Dakota –729 +22% 3 –1,122 –20% 43
Ohio –583 –3% 36 –1,180 –16% 38
Oklahoma –617 +3% 29 –1,127 –20% 42
Oregon –650 +8% 16 –1,190 –15% 35
Pennsylvania –561 –6% 44 –1,324 –6% 24
Rhode Island –555 –7% 46 –1,202 –14% 33
South Carolina –608 +1% 32 –1,096 –22% 44
South Dakota –622 +4% 26 –1,150 –18% 41
Tennessee –625 +4% 24 –1,322 –6% 25
Texas –670 +12% 11 –1,586 +13% 12
Utah –780 +30% 2 –1,444 +3% 18
Vermont –622 +4% 27 –1,254 –11% 31
Virginia –649 +8% 17 –1,491 +6% 16
Washington –715 +19% 5 –1,604 +14% 10
West Virginia –543 –10% 48 –908 –35% 51
Wisconsin –637 +6% 21 –1,294 –8% 28
Wyoming –694 +16% 10 –1,642 +17% 7

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State-by-State Impact of Agreed-Upon Conference Bill Analyzed

June 1, 2001 05:43 PM | | Bookmark and Share

Click here to see this analysis in PDF format.
Click here to see the summary table in PDF format.
Click here to see more detailed state-by-state tables in PDF format.


Citizens for Tax Justice today released a state-by-state analysis of the final version of President Bush’s tax cut plan, as signed by the President on June 7. The analysis was performed using the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy’s Tax Model.

The analysis shows how the tax cuts, when fully phased in by 2010, will affect taxpayers at various income levels in each state and the District of Columbia on an annual basis, in 2001 dollars.

Average tax cuts by state: Because the bulk of the Bush tax cuts are targeted toward upper-income taxpayers, citizens of wealthier states generally get larger average tax reductions, while residents of poorer states get smaller average tax reductions. For example:

  • The average tax reductions in Connecticut, Washington, D.C. and New Jersey are more than 25 percent higher than the national average tax cuts.
  • In contrast, the average tax cuts in West Virginia, Montana, Mississippi, New Mexico and Arkansas are more than 25 percent below the national average.

The typical tax cuts–what taxpayers in the middle of each states income scale will save in taxes–range from a high of $851 a year in Alaska (once the cuts are fully in place) down to a low of $502 a year in Montana.

The tables that follow show the annual effects of the final version of the Bush tax plan as signed by the President, fully-effective at 2001 income levels in 2001 dollars, on a state-by-state basis.

The final bill’s tax changes include: reductions in the current 28%, 31%, 36%, and 39.6% rates to 25%, 28%, 33% and 35% (effectively to less than 34% for the top rate, including the repeal of the itemized deduction disallowance) by 2006; addition of a new 10% bracket on the first $14,000 in taxable income for couples, $10,000 for single parents, and $7,000 for childless singles and married persons filing separately, phased in by 2008 (unindexed until thereafter); an increase in the starting point for the (new) 25% tax bracket for couples to double the starting point for childless single taxpayers (phased in by 2008); an increase in the standard deduction for couples to double the childless single amount (phased in by 2009); increases in the starting and ending points for the phase-out of the earned-income tax credit for couples by $3,000, phased in by 2008 (unindexed until thereafter); doubling of the per-child credit to $1,000 (phased in by 2010, unindexed), with phased-in expanded rules for refundability of the credit; an increase in the individual Alternative Minimum Tax exemption of $4,000 for couples and $2,000 for singles, from 2001 to 2004; repeal of the personal exemption phase out and the partial disallowance of itemized deductions at high income levels (phased in by 2010); an increase in the maximum percentage for the dependent care credit to 35% below $15,001 in AGI, with phase-down rules (to 20%) like current law, along with an increase in the child-care expenses to which the percentage applies, from $2,400 to $3,000 (double that for two or more eligible children); retirement savings tax changes; and repeal of the federal estate tax on large estates. The bill’s new education tax breaks are not included in the tables.

The Final Version of the Bush Tax Cuts, by State
  Typical tax cut % of natl. median
(+ or –)
Rank Average tax cut % of natl. average
(+ or –)
Rank
US AVERAGES $ –600     $ –1,404    
Alabama –578 –4% 39 –1,186 –15% 36
Alaska –851 +42% 1 –1,525 +9% 14
Arizona –603 +1% 34 –1,420 +1% 20
Arkansas –613 +2% 30 –1,045 –26% 47
California –627 +5% 23 –1,555 +11% 13
Colorado –656 +9% 14 –1,499 +7% 15
Connecticut –699 +17% 8 –2,220 +58% 1
Delaware –607 +1% 33 –1,379 –2% 21
District of Columbia –583 –3% 37 –1,850 +32% 2
Florida –510 –15% 50 –1,615 +15% 9
Georgia –631 +5% 22 –1,307 –7% 27
Hawaii –727 +21% 4 –1,170 –17% 40
Idaho –697 +16% 9 –1,175 –16% 39
Illinois –620 +3% 28 –1,697 +21% 5
Indiana –623 +4% 25 –1,327 –5% 23
Iowa –580 –3% 38 –1,184 –16% 37
Kansas –667 +11% 13 –1,314 –6% 26
Kentucky –566 –6% 43 –1,082 –23% 46
Louisiana –640 +7% 20 –1,271 –9% 30
Maine –571 –5% 41 –1,091 –22% 45
Maryland –702 +17% 7 –1,486 +6% 17
Massachusetts –578 –4% 40 –1,587 +13% 11
Michigan –610 +2% 31 –1,355 –3% 22
Minnesota –641 +7% 19 –1,423 +1% 19
Mississippi –534 –11% 49 –941 –33% 49
Missouri –569 –5% 42 –1,276 –9% 29
Montana –502 –16% 51 –937 –33% 50
Nebraska –556 –7% 45 –1,217 –13% 32
Nevada –596 –1% 35 –1,739 +24% 4
New Hampshire –712 +19% 6 –1,617 +15% 8
New Jersey –654 +9% 15 –1,768 +26% 3
New Mexico –668 +11% 12 –1,037 –26% 48
New York –550 –8% 47 –1,643 +17% 6
North Carolina –646 +8% 18 –1,201 –14% 34
North Dakota –729 +22% 3 –1,122 –20% 43
Ohio –583 –3% 36 –1,180 –16% 38
Oklahoma –617 +3% 29 –1,127 –20% 42
Oregon –650 +8% 16 –1,190 –15% 35
Pennsylvania –561 –6% 44 –1,324 –6% 24
Rhode Island –555 –7% 46 –1,202 –14% 33
South Carolina –608 +1% 32 –1,096 –22% 44
South Dakota –622 +4% 26 –1,150 –18% 41
Tennessee –625 +4% 24 –1,322 –6% 25
Texas –670 +12% 11 –1,586 +13% 12
Utah –780 +30% 2 –1,444 +3% 18
Vermont –622 +4% 27 –1,254 –11% 31
Virginia –649 +8% 17 –1,491 +6% 16
Washington –715 +19% 5 –1,604 +14% 10
West Virginia –543 –10% 48 –908 –35% 51
Wisconsin –637 +6% 21 –1,294 –8% 28
Wyoming –694 +16% 10 –1,642 +17% 7

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